Reconstruction of the lower lip

A method for reconstruction of the lower lip following larger subtotal excision is described. The method is based on the principle introduced by Stein and modified by Estlander, Abbe, Kazanjian, and Converse, and seems to be especially valid in cases of older patients with redundant upper lip tissue. One case is presented.Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/46677/1/238_2004_Article_BF00295866.pd

Election proximity and representation focus in party-constrained environments

Do elected representatives have a time-constant representation focus or do they adapt their focus depending on election proximity? In this article, we examine these overlooked theoretical and empirical puzzles by looking at how reelection-seeking actors adapt their legislative behavior according to the electoral cycle. In parliamentary democracies, representatives need to serve two competing principals: their party and their district. Our analysis hinges on how representatives make a strategic use of parliamentary written questions in a highly party-constrained institutional context to heighten their reselection and reelection prospects. Using an original data set of over 32,000 parliamentary questions tabled by Portuguese representatives from 2005 to 2015, we examine how time interacts with two key explanatory elements: electoral vulnerability and party size. Results show that representation focus is not static over time and, in addition, that electoral vulnerability and party size shape strategic use of parliamentary questions

How Might Reform of the Political System Appeal to Discontented Citizens?

In Britain, levels of political trust have declined, stimulating policy makers to explore ways of appealing to discontented citizens. One such initiative involves reform of the political system. Yet this raises the question of which types of political reform are likely to appeal to discontented citizens. Existing studies have examined how individuals respond to political reforms, yet these studies only consider a limited range of institutional changes. Scholars and policy makers thus know little about the popular appeal of a wider set of institutional reforms. Taking advantage of proposals for political reform in Britain, this article considers public reactions to a wide range of institutional changes. Using data from the 2011 British Social Attitudes survey, we find that direct democratic reforms are not the only changes that appeal to discontented citizens. Instead, policy-makers may also appeal to the distrustful via reforms that allow voters more control over their political representatives

Cosmogenic production of {37}^Ar in the context of the LUX-ZEPLIN experiment

We estimate the amount of {37}^Ar produced in natural xenon via cosmic-ray-induced spallation, an inevitable consequence of the transportation and storage of xenon on the Earth’s surface. We then calculate the resulting {37}^Ar concentration in a 10-tonne payload (similar to that of the LUX-ZEPLIN experiment) assuming a representative schedule of xenon purification, storage, and delivery to the underground facility. Using the spallation model by Silberberg and Tsao, the sea-level production rate of {37}^Ar in natural xenon is estimated to be 0.024 atoms/kg/day. Assuming the xenon is successively purified to remove radioactive contaminants in 1-tonne batches at a rate of 1 tonne/month, the average {37}^Ar activity after 10 tons are purified and transported underground is 0.058 - 0.090 μ Bq/kg, depending on the degree of argon removal during above-ground purification. Such cosmogenic {37}^Ar will appear as a noticeable background in the early science data, while decaying with a 35-day half-life. This newly noticed production mechanism of {37}^Ar should be considered when planning for future liquid-xenon-based experiments

Projected sensitivity of the LUX-ZEPLIN experiment to the two-neutrino and neutrinoless double β decays of Xe 134

The projected sensitivity of the LUX-ZEPLIN (LZ) experiment to two-neutrino and neutrinoless double β decay of Xe134 is presented. LZ is a 10-tonne xenon time-projection chamber optimized for the detection of dark matter particles and is expected to start operating in 2021 at Sanford Underground Research Facility, USA. Its large mass of natural xenon provides an exceptional opportunity to search for the double β decay of Xe134, for which xenon detectors enriched in Xe136 are less effective. For the two-neutrino decay mode, LZ is predicted to exclude values of the half-life up to 1.7×1024 years at 90% confidence level (CL) and has a three-sigma observation potential of 8.7×1023 years, approaching the predictions of nuclear models. For the neutrinoless decay mode LZ, is projected to exclude values of the half-life up to 7.3×1024 years at 90% CL

Is the left-right scale a valid measure of ideology? Individual-level variation in associations with "left" and "right" and left-right self-placement

In order to measure ideology, political scientists heavily rely on the so-called left-right scale. Left and right are, however, abstract political concepts and may trigger different associations among respondents. If these associations vary systematically with other variables this may induce bias in the empirical study of ideology. We illustrate this problem using a unique survey that asked respondents open-ended questions regarding the meanings they attribute to the concepts "left" and "right". We assess and categorize this textual data using topic modeling techniques. Our analysis shows that variation in respondents’ associations is systematically related to their self-placement on the left-right scale and also to variables such as education and respondents’ cultural background (East vs. West Germany). Our findings indicate that the interpersonal comparability of the left-right scale across individuals is impaired. More generally, our study suggests that we need more research on how respondents interpret various abstract concepts that we regularly use in survey questions

Honesty above all else? Expectations and perceptions of political conduct in three established democracies

The authors gratefully acknowledge financial support from the ESRC (grant number RES-000-22-3459) and British Academy (grant numbers SG-101785 and SG-52322). They would also like to thank two anonymous reviewers for their helpful comments and suggestions