Choosing Democracy: Citizen Attitudes and the Eastern Enlargement of the European Union

Digitised version produced by the EUI Library and made available online in 2020

"Women's rights, the European Court and Supranational Constitutionalism"

This analysis examines supranational constitutionalism in the European Union. In particular, the study focuses on the role of the European Court of Justice in the creation of women’s rights. I examine the interaction between the Court and member state governments in legal integration, and also the integral role that women’s advocates – both individual activists and groups – have played in the development of EU social provisions. The findings suggest that this litigation dynamic can have the effect of fueling the integration process by creating new rights that may empower social actors and EU organizations, with the ultimate effect of diminishing member state government control over the scope and direction of EU law. This study focuses specifically on gender equality law, yet provides a general framework for examining the case law in subsequent legal domains, with the purpose of providing a more nuanced understanding of supranational governance and constitutionalism

The Lantern, 2012-2013

• How They Run • What Was Said in Boston • On the Last Day of the Month • An Angel Tries to Surprise Humans • I Wonder if God Modeled Boys After Books • Marred with Modern Scars • Feather Bed • Ode to a Pen • Objet Petit A • Breaking News: Grownups Fear Return of Disco • Neuroscience • New Document • We Were Stars, and the Sky was Our Grass • About a Man • Trojan • An Ode • Yr Body Sour • That Lake in Jamaica • Live While Chiefs are Still Fighting • Lament for Mathematics • The Robert Frost House • People Fell in Love on Me • Sunday Review • Looks Silly in Tiny Desk Chairs • Two Years Later • Better Than Nothing • Istanbul • Packs of Cigarettes • Sonnet • Outside King of Steaks • Obstinance • Coffee Grinds • Autumn Equinox • Homecoming • Oh, San Francisco • Slide: A Beginning • Slowly Last Summer • Of Dogs and Men • Letters Not Sent • Before the Race • The Little Things • Tarpon Springs • Payment for Rebellion • Wednesday • When is President\u27s Day? • Heartless Parallels and Perpendiculars • Railway • Presto Agitato • Easier Said Than Done • Waves • Four White Women • Rope • Alter Ego Self Portrait • Pebbles • Coney Island • Guanjuanto • Growth • Evolve • Winter Blackout • Honeybee • Frames • Wanderlust • Guiding Light 1 • Frick\u27s Lock • The Ones That Never Leave • In Memoriam: Rachel Blunthttps://digitalcommons.ursinus.edu/lantern/1179/thumbnail.jp

The Lantern, 2010-2011

• The Graterford Department of Corrections • Visiting Room: Lewis Considers the Space & Time Continuum • String • The Tale of Lad Wadley • The Devout • One Moment in the Garden • Water, Focused and Tumbling • Bomber • Another • I Walked Home • Perhe • I Describe the Last Time My Parents Had Sex • Butterflies • Ship Without Fools • The Interview • Cyane • An Imaginary Portrait of Stella as a Young Girl • At the Farm Market in Early Autumn • Victor Jorgenson\u27s Photograph of the V-J Day Kiss • Lightning • The Citadel • Whenever You Come Home From School • It Came in a Dream • What I Know About Fission • Please Don\u27t Fire Me for Saying Such Things • Femina Irata • Thank You For Shopping • Sunday, November 27th • An Introduction to The Lifestyle • Laid-Off Perception • Good-Night, Sweet Prince • Requiem for a Marriage • Gertrude\u27s Book • Passing • Elk Run II • Shady Tides • A Quiet House • Tell Him. A Manual • Silence • Google This • The Dinner Table Dance • The Inevitable Extinction of Filing Cabinets • Chateau d\u27If • Man Smoking in Charcoal • Inside Auschwitz • Bark Glow • Anticipation • Look Up • Major News Networks • Others Wage War • Insert Bible Verse Here • The Empress • Candy Castle • Venice, Italy • Quebec • Bhutanese Child • Jumper • Pomegranates • Cover Image: Octopus Hathttps://digitalcommons.ursinus.edu/lantern/1176/thumbnail.jp

The Lantern, 2011-2012

• Frangipani • A Shadow • Dear Anne, In this Place, Stringbean Girls • Back to a Dandelion • How to Plant a Room • Swimming Pool Poem 30 • The Naming of Daughters • Berman Museum Photographs • Truth or Dare • The Song of Remembrance, L\u27vov, Poland, 1940 • Headlights • Prayer of Thanks • Numbers Game • Pediment • Home Sick • Lust • Sand Lining Instructions • A-A-Ask a Question • Flash Cards • Columbus Day • Mr. Yoest Gives His Report to the Police Officers on Wednesday Night • Gender Trouble • The Internet Connection at Ursinus College • Assuming You\u27ll Still be Here • 10/28/11, Third Poem • October • Actions that Affirm and Confirm Us as a Community • Why I Hate The Lantern • Confessions of an Ex-Vegetarian • Run • Lunch at Caltort • Schemers • You Will Make Beautiful Babies in America • The Black Dirt Region • Il Travatore • Ghost Story • Blue Eyes and Sunny Skies • A Little Sincerity • The Bookstore • The Opposite of Serendipity • The Human Doll • Evil Deeds • Francesca • Sunday Morning • Jersey Aesthetic • Jump! • Behind Reimert • Seaweed in New Zealand • Tombee de L\u27elegance • The Window • Esperando • Rainbow to the Heavens • Encased • In Springtime • A Fiesolan Monk\u27s Room • Inside a Bone • Neon Indian • Moments of Clarity • OneFeral: A Feral Self-Portrait • Cover Image: The Conquerorhttps://digitalcommons.ursinus.edu/lantern/1177/thumbnail.jp

Legitimacy in the Multilevel European Polity

In order to be simultaneously effective and liberal, governments must normally be able to count on voluntary compliance – which, in turn, depends on the support of socially shared legitimacy beliefs. In Western constitutional democracies, such beliefs are derived from the distinct but coexistent traditions of “republican” and “liberal” political philosophy. When judged by these criteria, the European Union – if considered by itself – appears as a thoroughly liberal polity which, however, lacks all republican credentials. But this view (which seems to structure the debates about the “European democratic deficit”) ignores the multilevel nature of the European polity, where the compliance of citizens is requested, and needs to be legitimated by member states – whereas the Union appears as a “government of governments” which is entirely dependent on the voluntary compliance of its member states. What matters primarily, therefore, is the compliance-legitimacy relationship between the Union and its member states – which, however, is normatively constrained by the basic compliance-legitimacy relationship between member governments and their constituents. Given the high consensus requirements of European legislation, member governments could and should be able to assume political responsibility for European policies in which they had a voice, and to justify them in “communicative discourses” in the national public space. This is not necessarily true of “non-political” policy choices imposed by the European Court of Justice. By enforcing its “liberal” program of liberalization and deregulation, the ECJ may presently be undermining the “republican” bases of member-state legitimacy. Where this is the case, open non-compliance is a present danger, and political controls of judicial legislation may be called for.Um gleichzeitig effektiv und liberal sein zu können, ist staatliche Herrschaft auf freiwillige Folgebereitschaft angewiesen – die ihrerseits der Unterstützung durch sozial geteilte Legitimitätsüberzeugungen bedarf. In den demokratischen Verfassungsstaaten des Westens werden solche Überzeugungen aus den unterschiedlichen, aber komplementär zusammenwirkenden Traditionen der „republikanischen“ und der „liberalen“ politischen Philosophie hergeleitet. An diesen Kriterien gemessen erscheint die Europäische Union – wenn man sie für sich betrachtet – als eine „liberale“ politische Ordnung, der jedoch alle „republikanischen“ Legitimitätsmerkmale fehlen. Aber eine solche Sichtweise, die auch die derzeitige Diskussion über ein „europäisches Demokratiedefizit“ bestimmt, verkennt den Mehrebenencharakter des europäischen Gemeinwesens. In ihm sind es die Mitgliedstaaten, die Entscheidungen der Union gegenüber den eigenen Bürgern durchsetzen und auch legitimieren müssen, während es für die Union ihrerseits auf die freiwillige Folgebereitschaft ihrer Mitgliedstaaten ankommt. Dabei werden diese jedoch durch die normativen Grundlagen ihrer eigenen Legitimität begrenzt. Politische Entscheidungen auf europäischer Ebene setzen breiten Konsens voraus, und die Regierungen sollten sie deshalb auch gegenüber den eigenen Bürgern in „kommunikativen Diskursen“ vertreten und dafür die politische Verantwortung übernehmen können. Dies gilt jedoch nicht notwendigerweise auch für Entscheidungen der europäischen Politik, die im nichtpolitischen Modus ohne Beteiligung des Rates und des Parlaments vom Europäischen Gerichtshof bestimmt werden. Mit der gegenwärtigen Radikalisierung seines „liberalen“ Programms der Liberalisierung und Deregulierung des nationalen Rechts könnte der Gerichtshof in der Tat die „republikanischen“ Grundlagen der mitgliedstaatlichen Legitimität unterminieren. In diesem Falle könnte die Union sich nicht länger auf die Folgebereitschaft ihrer Mitgliedstaaten verlassen. Um diese Gefahr für die europäische Integration zu vermeiden, sollte eine stärkere politische Kontrolle der richterlichen Rechtsetzung erwogen werden.1 Legitimacy Republican and liberal legitimating discourses Constitutional democracies – and the EU? 2 Legitimacy in multilevel polities 3 Legitimating member state compliance Political modes of policy making Non-political policy making 4 The need for justification 5 The Court is pushing against the limits of justifiability 6 The liberal undermining of republican legitimacy 7 Needed: A political balance of community and autonomy Reference

Sustaining Democracy: A Study of Authoritarianism and Personalism in Irish Political Culture

The need for political participation dominates our theoretical understandings of democratic stability. Furthermore, prevailing democratic political culture models extol a mixed culture of participants and warn of the dangers of wide spread deference. This paper tests the ability of these models to account for democratic societies characterized by high levels of deferential and personalistic political behavior. The analysis examines how a country with highly "authoritarian" social and political structures can establish a stable democracy and sustain it for more than seventy years. The historical and survey data included in this analysis offer evidence of how authoritarianism and personalism are integral elements in sustaining Irish democracy. The findings bring into question dominant explanations for democratic stability and suggest how Eckstein's theory of congruence provides new insights into the puzzle of Irish democracy

The Institutionalization of Sex Equality for Europe: Women Activists and the European Court

In the last forty years, we have witnessed the evolution of an unprecedented form of supranational governance in western Europe. The European Court of Justice (ECJ) has played a powerful integrative force in this transformation. This chapter examines how the ECJ has operated to expand the integration project and has done so by serving as a forum for political action by national and transnational social movements. This analysis studies this integrative dynamic through the evolution of sex equality policy in the European Union (EU). The purpose of this chapter is two fold. First, I will examine the Court's expansive development of this EU policy sector through its case law. In particular, I will evaluate whether the policy preferences of national governments have significantly impacted the Court's judicial decisions. Second, I will examine the relationship between the Court and private litigants and women's groups and how this leads to the construction of EU policy through litigation. Specifically, I am interested in tracing the dynamic which has led to the institutionalization of sex equality norms at the European level. The larger purpose of the analysis is to offer systematic evidence of how activists (both national and transnational) are utilizing European space (as provided by EU institutions) and are doing so to bring about significant national policy changes. Furthermore, this project provides empirical evidence of how EU institutions engage in a mutually empowering relationship with activists. This dynamic interaction leads not only to the expansion of EU competence, but also illustrates how both EU institutions and rules have been used in unintended ways