A case study of parking charges at work places – effects on travel behaviour and acceptance

This paper analyse how a parking fee affect modes of transport on work travels and how acceptability varies over time among employees. The findings shows that the share of car drivers is reduced from 35 to 27 percent after the fee was introduced. There are weak tendencies towards spill-over parking and the fee has contributed to less need for employees to arrive early in order to secure a parking space. The acceptance for the parking fee changed from being negative before the fee to positive one year after the fee

A case study of parking charges at work places: Effects on travel behaviour and acceptance

This paper analyse how a parking fee affect modes of transport on work travels and how acceptability varies over time among employees. The findings shows that the share of car drivers is reduced from 35 to 27 percent after the fee was introduced. There are weak tendencies towards spill-over parking and the fee has contributed to less need for employees to arrive early in order to secure a parking space. The acceptance for the parking fee changed from being negative before the fee to positive one year after the fee

Democratic Jihad ? Military intervention and democracy

Democracies rarely if ever fight one another, but they participate in wars as frequently as autocracies. They tend to win the wars in which they participate. Democracies frequently build large alliances in wartime, but not only with other democracies. From time to time democracies intervene militarily in ongoing conflicts. The democratic peace may contribute to a normative justification for such interventions, for the purpose of promoting democracy and eventually for the promotion of peace. This is reinforced by an emerging norm of humanitarian intervention. Democracies may have a motivation to intervene in non-democracies, even in the absence of ongoing conflict, for the purpose of regime change. The recent Iraq War may be interpreted in this perspective. A strong version of this type of foreign policy may be interpreted as a democratic crusade. The paper examines the normative and theoretical foundations of democratic interventionism. An empirical investigation of interventions in the period 1960-96 indicates that democracies intervene quite frequently, but rarely against other democracies. In the short term, democratic intervention appears to be successfully promoting democratization, but the target states tend to end up among the unstable semi-democracies. The most widely publicized recent interventions are targeted on poor or resource-dependent countries in non-democratic neighborhoods. Previous research has found these characteristics to reduce the prospects for stable democracy. Thus, forced democratization is unpredictable withregard to achieving long-term democracy and potentially harmful with regard to securing peace. But short-term military successes may stimulate more interventions until the negative consequences become more visible.Population Policies,Peace&Peacekeeping,Parliamentary Government,Politics and Government,Political Systems and Analysis

Klimasamarbeid mellom Kina og USA? : En spillteoretisk analyse

Denne oppgaven analyserer under hvilke betingelser USA og Kina vil delta i et klimasamarbeid. Oppgaven avgrenses til å gjelde selvhåndhevende avtaler. Første del vil forklare Kinas og USAs historiske tilnærming til internasjonale miljøavtaler, samtidig som det ses generelt på den miljøpolitiske utviklingen i de to landene. Videre er det et eget kapittel som redegjør for Kyotoavtalens svakheter. Problemstillingen er besvart med tre analysekapitler. Analysen kobler empirisk materiale om amerikansk og kinesisk politikk til fire forskjellige grunnmodeller. Det blir diskutert i hvilken grad modellene samsvarer med empiri, samtidig som det illustreres at en ikke utelukkende bør fokusere på Fangenes dilemma når en skal analysere internasjonale samarbeidsproblemer. Videre argumenteres det for at statene kan ha asymmetriske preferanser, som kan ha relevans i studie av internasjonale (miljø)problemer. Spørsmålet om relative gevinster blir også knyttet til klimaspørsmålet. Selv om realisme blir benyttet innenfor et bredt spekter i internasjonal politikk, har det vært få forsøk på å knytte teorien til internasjonale klimaforhandlinger. Oppgaven vil argumentere for at det er flere momenter som tilsier at statene kan tenkes å vektlegge relative gevinster. Resultatene fra den asymmetriske analysen viser spesielt to paradoksale resultater. For det første: Hvis en stat blir mer positiv til å inngå samarbeid så kan dette bidra til en mindre stabil og effektiv avtale. For den andre: Selv om vektlegging av relative gevinster kan føre til at incentivene til å delta og etterleve en klimaavtale reduseres, vil ikke dette nødvendigvis ha utelukkende negativ effekt på samarbeid. Hvis en stat blir mer negativ til å gjennomføre utslippsreduksjoner, så kan det bidra til å øke mulighetene for en stabil og effektiv avtale

Case studies: results and synthesis projet 7FP CLOSER (Connecting LOng and Short-distance networks for Efficient Transport) Rapport de recherche Deliverable 5.2 project européen CLOSER.

The CLOSER project has been set to analyse the interfaces and interconnectionsbetween long distance transport networks and local/regional transport networks of allmodes. The project is funded within the Seventh Framework Programme of theEuropean Commission, under the topic TPT-2008.0.0.13 “New mobility/organisationalschemes: interconnection between short and long-distance transport networks”.The objective of WP5 of CLOSER is to accomplish in-depth case studies to deepenand validate the understanding of results obtained in Work packages 2, 3 and 4. Thiswill be achieved by:- Developing a joint assessment and evaluation framework for the case studies,incorporating knowledge that has been obtained in WP 2, WP 3 and WP 4- Carrying out the case studies- Synthesising the results of the case studies in order to give inputs for thedevelopment of recommendations in WP 6.The deliverable at hand summarises the seven case studies that have been conductedin the CLOSER project: Leipzig-Halle airport (Germany) Armentiéres station (France) Oslo bus terminal Vaterland (Norway) Port of Helsinki (Finland) Thessaloniki port (Greece) Constantza port (Romania) Vilnius Airport (Lithuania

Percutaneous coronary angioplasty versus coronary artery bypass grafting in treatment of unprotected left main stenosis (NOBLE) : a prospective, randomised, open-label, non-inferiority trial

Background Coronary artery bypass grafting (CABG) is the standard treatment for revascularisation in patients with left main coronary artery disease, but use of percutaneous coronary intervention (PCI) for this indication is increasing. We aimed to compare PCI and CABG for treatment of left main coronary artery disease. Methods In this prospective, randomised, open-label, non-inferiority trial, patients with left main coronary artery disease were enrolled in 36 centres in northern Europe and randomised 1: 1 to treatment with PCI or CABG. Eligible patients had stable angina pectoris, unstable angina pectoris, or non-ST-elevation myocardial infarction. Exclusion criteria were ST-elevation myocardial infarction within 24 h, being considered too high risk for CABG or PCI, or expected survival of less than 1 year. The primary endpoint was major adverse cardiac or cerebrovascular events (MACCE), a composite of all-cause mortality, non-procedural myocardial infarction, any repeat coronary revascularisation, and stroke. Non-inferiority of PCI to CABG required the lower end of the 95% CI not to exceed a hazard ratio (HR) of 1 . 35 after up to 5 years of follow-up. The intention-to-treat principle was used in the analysis if not specified otherwise. This trial is registered with ClinicalTrials.gov identifier, number NCT01496651. Findings Between Dec 9, 2008, and Jan 21, 2015, 1201 patients were randomly assigned, 598 to PCI and 603 to CABG, and 592 in each group entered analysis by intention to treat. Kaplan-Meier 5 year estimates of MACCE were 29% for PCI (121 events) and 19% for CABG (81 events), HR 1 . 48 (95% CI 1 . 11-1 . 96), exceeding the limit for non-inferiority, and CABG was significantly better than PCI (p=0 . 0066). As-treated estimates were 28% versus 19% (1 . 55, 1 . 18-2 . 04, p= 0 . 0015). Comparing PCI with CABG, 5 year estimates were 12% versus 9% (1 . 07, 0 . 67-1 . 72, p= 0 . 77) for all-cause mortality, 7% versus 2% (2 . 88, 1 . 40-5 . 90, p= 0 . 0040) for non-procedural myocardial infarction, 16% versus 10% (1 . 50, 1 . 04-2 . 17, p= 0 . 032) for any revascularisation, and 5% versus 2% (2 . 25, 0 . 93-5 . 48, p= 0 . 073) for stroke. Interpretation The findings of this study suggest that CABG might be better than PCI for treatment of left main stem coronary artery disease.Peer reviewe

A case study of parking charges at work places – effects on travel behaviour and acceptance

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Public support of transport policy instruments, perceived transport quality and satisfaction with democracy. What is the relationship?

Lack of public support is regarded as a major barrier for implementing restrictive transport policy instruments. Recent studies have therefore analyzed factors explaining variations in public support and examined strategies to increase support of restrictive policy measures. However, few have analyzed whether there is an actual relationship between transportation policies and political legitimacy. This article thus makes two main contributions to the literature. First, it explores whether there is a relationship between support of restrictive instruments and political legitimacy to study the political implications of introducing such instruments. The results show that citizens opposing restrictive measures, such as local road tolls, are more dissatisfied with the performance of local democracy. The effect also appears to be mediated through citizens evaluation of politicians’ and how they evaluate governmental performance at the local level. Second, the article analyzes the importance of transportation policies in particular for local political legitimacy. The results show that citizens dissatisfied with the quality of services within the transport sector are also more dissatisfied with the performance of local democracy

Public support of transport policy instruments, perceived transport quality and satisfaction with democracy. What is the relationship?

Lack of public support is regarded as a major barrier for implementing restrictive transport policy instruments. Recent studies have therefore analyzed factors explaining variations in public support and examined strategies to increase support of restrictive policy measures. However, few have analyzed whether there is an actual relationship between transportation policies and political legitimacy. This article thus makes two main contributions to the literature. First, it explores whether there is a relationship between support of restrictive instruments and political legitimacy to study the political implications of introducing such instruments. The results show that citizens opposing restrictive measures, such as local road tolls, are more dissatisfied with the performance of local democracy. The effect also appears to be mediated through citizens evaluation of politicians’ and how they evaluate governmental performance at the local level. Second, the article analyzes the importance of transportation policies in particular for local political legitimacy. The results show that citizens dissatisfied with the quality of services within the transport sector are also more dissatisfied with the performance of local democracy