Challenges of comparative research on hate speech in media user comments: Comparing countries, platforms, and target groups

Hate speech is a phenomenon studied in numerous disciplines by many researchers. This research has produced a variety of findings, e.g., with regard to the prevalence of hate, common targets or differences between platforms or countries. However, previous research also comes with conceptual and methodological challenges, e.g., definitions or operationalizations of hate speech in empirical studies. The present chapter focuses on the issue of equivalence in previous hate speech research - a well-known problem of comparative research in general. To compare research findings relating to hate speech across different contexts scholars need to consider the equivalence with respect to definitions, methods, measurements, procedures, and also the sampling communication content. We provide an overview about potential pitfalls and biases that can be due to a lack of equivalence and point to strategies on how to address them

Passionate Hiking Fan or Loving Parent? How Personalized Self-Presentation in the Media Affects the Perception of Female and Male Politicians

Even though studies have intensively investigated personalization in the media, little is known about the effects of personal information on the perception of politicians (privatization). Especially if politicians share information about their private life, gender might play an important role. To test this assumption, we conducted two experiments (2 × 3 between-subjects design, Nstudy1 = 472; Nstudy2 = 739) varying gender of a politician (male/female) and the disclosure of personal information (no information/hobby/family) in a fictitious news interview. Results show that gender can play a crucial role depending on the form of privatization. While we see no significant changes in the politician’s perception when they are mentioning their hobby, we find that, for a male politician, sharing information about family life in a traditional manner leads to a decline in trust and reduces perceptions of warmth. For a female politician, the different kinds of self-presentation do not affect image perception and voting outcomes

Glaubwürdigkeitsverlust durch programmintegrierte Werbung?: Eine Untersuchung zu den Kontexteffekten von Produktplatzierungen im Fernsehen

Zusammenfassung: Die vorliegende Studie untersucht, ob sich Produktplatzierungen (Product Placements) in einer informierenden TV-Sendung auf die Glaubwürdigkeit und die globale Bewertung des redaktionellen Programms auswirken. Hierzu wurden zwei Experimente durchgeführt, in denen die Häufigkeit von Produktplatzierungen im TV-Beitrag variierte. Es wurde erhoben, inwiefern die Rezipienten die Placements als Persuasionsversuch erkannten und sich dadurch gestört fühlten. Daneben mussten die Rezipienten angeben, wie sie den Gesamtbeitrag bewerten, wie sie seine Glaubwürdigkeit einschätzen und wie sehr sie in den Beitrag involviert sind. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass sich die Rezipienten mit steigender Anzahl der Product Placements der persuasiven Absicht dieser Werbeform bewusst werden. Allerdings stören sie sich nicht am Beeinflussungsversuch, solange das Involvement in den Beitrag groß genug ist. Auf die Glaubwürdigkeit bzw. die Bewertung des Beitrags hat die zunehmende Placementhäufigkeit keinen Einfluss. Somit kann die aktuelle Diskussion um die Gefährdung des Programminhalts durch neue Werbeformen entschärft werde

Affective Priming in Political Campaigns: How Campaign-Induced Emotions Prime Political Opinions

Campaign priming is generally assumed to function through the activation of memory content. By focusing on specific issues or issue aspects, campaigns render corresponding cognitive concepts more accessible and hence influence which concepts are likely to be used in subsequent evaluation processes. Thus, priming is mainly understood as a cognitive process. In the present study we investigate the impact of campaign-induced emotions on opinion formation. We argue that emotions may activate cognitive content which may in turn influence political judgments. Our analyses support the hypothesis that political campaigns may influence public opinion not only through cognitive priming but also through affective primin

The communicational dimension of democratic accountability in metropolitan governance: Media reporting and perceived legitimacy in four European cities

As cities grow and expand, complex network governance (advocated by the so-called ‘new regionalism’) is increasingly important for policy-making in metropolitan areas. These arrangements have often been criticised as a threat to legitimacy, as they involve a wide array of policy-actors and blurrs and dilute electoral accountability. This paper focuses on the communicational dimension of democratic accountability in metropolitan governance, by exploring the role of the media. We use data from a standardized content analysis of newspaper coverage on metropolitan policy-making in four European mega- and metacities (Paris, London, Berlin and Zurich) and examine their relationship to legitimacy perceptions at the individual level on the basis of survey data. We find that institutional differences in metropolitan governance are quite adequately reflected in media reports. The results also show that media content indeed is correlated with citizen perceptions of legitimacy, i.e. trust in government as well as satisfaction with democracy. We therefore interpret the media as an additional - communicational – channel of democratic accountability in metropolitan governance

How populist crisis rhetoric affects voters in Switzerland

Right-wing populism has a long tradition in Switzerland. Nevertheless, only little is known about how populist messages in the media contribute to the success of the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) and to the acceptance of the party’s anti-immigration policies. In this study, we combine data from a large media content analysis (including newspapers and TV news shows) with data from a panel-survey in order to address this research gap. Thereby we differentiate between effects driven by the content and the form of right-wing populist communication. While right-wing populist content depicts immigrants and the political elite as a threat to the Swiss people, populist style evokes the sense of a crisis by emotionalizing and dramatizing the message. Populist style is therefore assumed to increase the persuasiveness of populist claims. The results of this study suggest that this is the case only for some voters, while it backfires for others

The relationship between trait procrastination, Internet use, and psychological functioning : results from a community sample of German adolescents

Adolescents with a strong tendency for irrational task delay (i.e., high trait procrastination) may be particularly prone to use Internet applications simultaneously to other tasks (e.g., during homework) and in an insufficiently controlled fashion. Both Internet multitasking and insufficiently controlled Internet usage may thus amplify the negative mental health implications that have frequently been associated with trait procrastination. The present study explored this role of Internet multitasking and insufficiently controlled Internet use for the relationship between trait procrastination and impaired psychological functioning in a community sample of N = 818 early and middle adolescents. Results from multiple regression analyses indicate that trait procrastination was positively related to Internet multitasking and insufficiently controlled Internet use. Insufficiently controlled Internet use, but not Internet multitasking, was found to partially statistically mediate the association between trait procrastination and adolescents’ psychological functioning (i.e., stress, sleep quality, and relationship satisfaction with parents). The study underlines that adolescents with high levels of trait procrastination may have an increased risk for negative outcomes of insufficiently controlled Internet use

Verschwörungsglaube, Medienzynismus und Militanz: Einstellungen und Informationsquellen von Menschen mit AfD-Wahlpräferenz - ein Beitrag zur Radikalisierungsforschung

Der Beitrag untersucht medienbezogene Einstellungen und das Ausmaß des Verschwörungsglaubens von Menschen mit AfD-Wahlpräferenz. Er greift die Debatte über Kampfbegriffe wie "Lügenpresse" und "Systemmedien" auf und erweitert die Radikalisierungsforschung um einen kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Zugang. Dafür verwendet er das Konzept des "Medienzynismus". Es bezeichnet ein Einstellungsmuster mit verschwörungsideologischen Zügen: Journalist*innen werden als Lügner und System-Kollaborateure betrachtet. Der Beitrag analysiert auch die Mediennutzung von Menschen mit AfD-Präferenz sowie ihre Einstellungen zu Gewalt. Die Basis bilden vier Bevölkerungsumfragen aus den Jahren 2016 bis 2019. Die Daten wurden in Regressionsanalysen und mit einem Strukturgleichungsmodell ausgewertet. Dabei zeigt sich die Radikalität der AfD-Gruppe: Bei ihr sind Medienzynismus und Verschwörungsglaube stark ausgeprägt. Dies geht mit einer überdurchschnittlichen Nutzung "alternativer" Medien und einem höheren Verständnis für die Anwendung von Gewalt einher. Die Studie findet keine eindeutigen Hinweise für eine sich verschärfende Radikalisierung im Zeitverlauf, aber auch keine Abschwächung. Die Befunde stützen Befürchtungen, dass der Verschwörungsglaube mit einer Affinität zu Gewalt verbunden und die Radikalisierung durch eine spezifische Mediennutzung gefördert werden kann.The article examines the media-related attitudes of people who are likely to vote for the AfD party. It builds on the debate on terms such as „lying press“ (fake news media) and adds a media studies approach to radicalization research. It introduces the concept of "media cynicism", which describes a pattern of attitudes that includes features of conspiracy ideologies: journalists are viewed as liars and system collaborators. The article also examines media use, conspiracy beliefs, and attitudes towards violence. Four surveys from 2016 to 2019 form the basis of the study. The data were analyzed using regression analyses and structural equation modeling. The findings illustrate the radicalism of AfD voters: They tend to show strong media cynicism and beliefs in conspiracies. This goes hand in hand with an above-average use of "alternative" media and an increased support for using violence. The study does not find clear indications of an enhanced radicalization of AfD voters over time, but also finds no signs of a slowdown. The findings support fears that beliefs in conspiracies are connected to an affinity for violence and that radicalization can be fueled by the use of specific news media channels