Localized In‐Band Rotational Phonons in Mixed Molecular Crystals: Electronic Spectra of Naphthalene Doped Biphenyl and Durene

Peer Reviewedhttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/70064/2/JCPSA6-56-7-3716-1.pd

Developing a Professionalism Plan

Professionalism is a way of being which underlies all the responsibilities of a pharmacist and associated general and professional abilities. The Student Affairs Committee was charged with developing a college-wide professionalism plan to meet the Accreditation Council for Pharmacy Education (ACPE) Standards 15.1 and 23. This plan was developed concurrently with a new curriculum. The plan was developed systematically with the following goals: 1) create a definition of professionalism, 2) determine outcomes of the plan, 3) identify existing components which should be continued and new components to be added, 4) ensure existing and new components are linked to outcomes and 5) develop a continuous assessment process for the plan. The proposed plan consists of curricular, co-curricular and extra-curricular activities designed to help students gain experience in three professionalism pillars: Competence, Connection and Character, as defined by Brown et al in "Taxonomy of Professionalism". While knowledge and skills will be enhanced, the focus of development will be on student virtues, values and attitudesäóîthat what they do defines who they are. The goal is to help students develop as people and professionals who value the high ideals expected of a pharmacist.   Type: Idea Pape

The revolution will be made public: The effects of international actors on protest movements in hybrid and authoritarian regimes today

Recent years have seen an explosive increase in the number of English-language signs held by political protesters in autocracies throughout the world, signaling activists’ desire to capture the attention and interest of a global audience. Innovations in telecommunications make it easier than ever before for people in one country to know what actors elsewhere are doing, and to solicit their attention and assistance in an increasingly interconnected global context. How does this awareness of a global audience shape citizens’ decisions to protest in authoritarian regimes today? How might support from external support from democracies elsewhere or intervention from dictatorships affect protesters’ perceptions and decision-making strategies? I propose several causal mechanisms to answer these questions in the following dissertation. First, I posit that external support from democracies elsewhere bolsters protesters’ resolve to campaign against the regime. This attention provides protesters with four types of benefits, each of which alters their perceptions and strengthens their decision to maintain their efforts – 1) a psychological benefit of purposive solidarity (the cognitive and emotional sense that they are not alone and that their movement will succeed); 2) a strategic benefit of transnational learning from activists elsewhere; 3) a physical benefit through the credible threat of checking and sanctioning should autocrats’ response to activists become too forceful; and 4) a material and political benefit by establishing strong linkages with diaspora or democratically-minded citizens abroad that provide logistical support to protesters on the ground and lobby their own leaders to support the movement. Conversely, what effects might autocratic intervention have on protesters’ perceptions? I predict two competing effects at the individual level, dependent on the domestic context at hand. Outside intervention to support an embattled leader can signal incumbent vulnerability by suggesting that the regime cannot stay in power without help from abroad, but external support can also cause fear of increased repercussions should the incumbent stay in office. I posit that in semi-authoritarian regimes, the first effect will dominate and cause an unexpected backlash in which protesters see their leader as increasingly fragile, subsequently strengthening their efforts to remove him or her from power. In fully autocratic states where the regime is already equipped with a powerful security apparatus, however, I propose the second mechanism will dominate – intervention will cause deterrence and intimidation as protesters perceive the dangers involved in challenging the regime as even more threatening than before. I test these hypotheses in the following dissertation in three ways. First, I present a case study of Ukraine’s 2013-2014 Euromaidan movement to illustrate my causal mechanisms in action. I spent six months in Ukraine interviewing and surveying more than 120 Members of Parliament, reporters, activists, and civil society leaders to examine how protesters’ beliefs about Western support and Russian intervention shaped their behavior. These interviews illustrated the fact that for many protesters, attention and support from Western states and organizations (particularly the European Union, the United States, and the Ukrainian diaspora) was central in strengthening their will to continue campaigning against the regime. Further, many of my interviews showed how protesters resented overt Russian support for ex-President Viktor Yanukovych; their actions were driven partly by the need to keep Ukraine from becoming “the next Russia.” Second, I independently designed and implemented an original survey experiment at three Ukrainian universities, recruiting nearly two hundred students to learn about their willingness to protest in future movements should one arise. I asked all participants to read a vignette stating that they lived in a repressive state where students had begun to protest against an authoritarian government that was reversing recent democratic reforms in favor of retrenched autocracy. Participants in the first treatment group learned that democracies elsewhere were supporting the protest, participants in the second treatment group learned that autocracies elsewhere were intervening to suppress the protest, and participants in the control group received no information about external actors at all. Following this, all subjects rated their willingness on a ten-point scale to engage in three forms of protest, each of which represented an increasingly intense form of participation. Findings show that for the most intensive type of protest activity, individuals are significantly more likely to protest when they believe that democracies elsewhere support them (p < 0.001). Finally, I provide a series of five comparative case studies- Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution, a 2011 uprising in Bahrain, a failed revolt in 2005 Uzbekistan, Lebanon’s 2005 Cedar Revolution, and Venezuela in 2019 – to examine how these trends hold across temporal and geographical contexts. This project has a number of pressing and timely implications both theoretical and normative, given the current crisis that liberal democratic governance is facing across the globe amidst the rise of right-wing, populist illiberal regimes. Supporting movements in authoritarian regimes that champion respect for human rights, civil liberties, and freedom of speech is of critical importance, and I show in this dissertation that such considerations should play a prominent role in the foreign policies of democracies the world over

ENERGY TRANSFER IN SOME MIXED MOLECULAR CRYSTALS

Author Institution: Department of Chemistry, University of MichiganLow temperature $(2^{0} K)$, high resolution $(0.5 cm^{-1})$ electronic spectra of some mixed and neat molecular crystals-involving naphthalene, durene and hexamethylbenzene - will be discussed with the emphasis being placed on energy transfer processes which have been observed in these systems, including both inter- and intramolecular intersystem crossing and internal conversion. The nature and importance of guest-host and host-host interactions and their role in energy transfer will also be discussed

Low-temperature Optical Studies Of Neat And Mixed Molecular Crystals Containing Naphthalene, Durene And Hexamethylbenzene.

PhDChemistryUniversity of Michigan, Horace H. Rackham School of Graduate Studieshttp://deepblue.lib.umich.edu/bitstream/2027.42/189375/2/7627466.pd

Understanding citizen satisfaction with democracy in Central and Eastern Europe

Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on June 22, 2010).The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file.Thesis advisor: Dr. Moises Arce.Includes bibliographical references.M.A. University of Missouri--Columbia 2010.Dissertations, Academic -- University of Missouri--Columbia -- Political science.[ACCESS RESTRICTED TO THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI AT AUTHOR'S REQUEST.] The collapse of communism throughout Central and Eastern Europe during the late twentieth century produced several new democracies, providing citizens with the chance to participate in free and fair elections for the first time in their lives. While democracy has become a widely accepted form of government in Central and Eastern Europe during the past two decades, understanding determinants of citizen satisfaction with democracy in operation remains an important task. Using individual-level data from three European public opinion surveys, this study finds evidence that evaluations of economic conditions, trust in political leaders and institutions, and professed satisfaction with one's life are all extremely useful predictors of satisfaction with democracy throughout Central and Eastern Europe today

The revolution will be made public: The effects of international actors on protest movements in hybrid and authoritarian regimes today

Recent years have seen an explosive increase in the number of English-language signs held by political protesters in autocracies throughout the world, signaling activists’ desire to capture the attention and interest of a global audience. Innovations in telecommunications make it easier than ever before for people in one country to know what actors elsewhere are doing, and to solicit their attention and assistance in an increasingly interconnected global context. How does this awareness of a global audience shape citizens’ decisions to protest in authoritarian regimes today? How might support from external support from democracies elsewhere or intervention from dictatorships affect protesters’ perceptions and decision-making strategies? I propose several causal mechanisms to answer these questions in the following dissertation. First, I posit that external support from democracies elsewhere bolsters protesters’ resolve to campaign against the regime. This attention provides protesters with four types of benefits, each of which alters their perceptions and strengthens their decision to maintain their efforts – 1) a psychological benefit of purposive solidarity (the cognitive and emotional sense that they are not alone and that their movement will succeed); 2) a strategic benefit of transnational learning from activists elsewhere; 3) a physical benefit through the credible threat of checking and sanctioning should autocrats’ response to activists become too forceful; and 4) a material and political benefit by establishing strong linkages with diaspora or democratically-minded citizens abroad that provide logistical support to protesters on the ground and lobby their own leaders to support the movement. Conversely, what effects might autocratic intervention have on protesters’ perceptions? I predict two competing effects at the individual level, dependent on the domestic context at hand. Outside intervention to support an embattled leader can signal incumbent vulnerability by suggesting that the regime cannot stay in power without help from abroad, but external support can also cause fear of increased repercussions should the incumbent stay in office. I posit that in semi-authoritarian regimes, the first effect will dominate and cause an unexpected backlash in which protesters see their leader as increasingly fragile, subsequently strengthening their efforts to remove him or her from power. In fully autocratic states where the regime is already equipped with a powerful security apparatus, however, I propose the second mechanism will dominate – intervention will cause deterrence and intimidation as protesters perceive the dangers involved in challenging the regime as even more threatening than before. I test these hypotheses in the following dissertation in three ways. First, I present a case study of Ukraine’s 2013-2014 Euromaidan movement to illustrate my causal mechanisms in action. I spent six months in Ukraine interviewing and surveying more than 120 Members of Parliament, reporters, activists, and civil society leaders to examine how protesters’ beliefs about Western support and Russian intervention shaped their behavior. These interviews illustrated the fact that for many protesters, attention and support from Western states and organizations (particularly the European Union, the United States, and the Ukrainian diaspora) was central in strengthening their will to continue campaigning against the regime. Further, many of my interviews showed how protesters resented overt Russian support for ex-President Viktor Yanukovych; their actions were driven partly by the need to keep Ukraine from becoming “the next Russia.” Second, I independently designed and implemented an original survey experiment at three Ukrainian universities, recruiting nearly two hundred students to learn about their willingness to protest in future movements should one arise. I asked all participants to read a vignette stating that they lived in a repressive state where students had begun to protest against an authoritarian government that was reversing recent democratic reforms in favor of retrenched autocracy. Participants in the first treatment group learned that democracies elsewhere were supporting the protest, participants in the second treatment group learned that autocracies elsewhere were intervening to suppress the protest, and participants in the control group received no information about external actors at all. Following this, all subjects rated their willingness on a ten-point scale to engage in three forms of protest, each of which represented an increasingly intense form of participation. Findings show that for the most intensive type of protest activity, individuals are significantly more likely to protest when they believe that democracies elsewhere support them (p < 0.001). Finally, I provide a series of five comparative case studies- Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution, a 2011 uprising in Bahrain, a failed revolt in 2005 Uzbekistan, Lebanon’s 2005 Cedar Revolution, and Venezuela in 2019 – to examine how these trends hold across temporal and geographical contexts. This project has a number of pressing and timely implications both theoretical and normative, given the current crisis that liberal democratic governance is facing across the globe amidst the rise of right-wing, populist illiberal regimes. Supporting movements in authoritarian regimes that champion respect for human rights, civil liberties, and freedom of speech is of critical importance, and I show in this dissertation that such considerations should play a prominent role in the foreign policies of democracies the world over

A Prescription Analysis Exercise in a Pharmaceutical Care Laboratory Course

Objective. To assess the impact of a new prescription analysis exercise in a second-year pharmaceutical care laboratory course. Design. A new prescription analysis exercise was created and implemented that shifted the focus from strictly identifying errors and omissions to identifying and correcting them. Students used electronic label templates and mock prescription materials to correct various errors and omissions commonly seen in practice. Assessment. Forty-one percent of students received full credit for the exercise using the new method compared to the previous method where 9.1% of students received full credit. Ninety-four percent of respondents preferred the new method versus the original method, with reasons given including the new method seemed more practical, applicable, and realistic. Conclusion. The new prescription analysis exercise addressed many inconsistencies noted with the original method. Students performed better on graded assessments using the new method and preferred it over the old method of prescription analysis

DETAILED VIBRONIC SPECTRA (1A1g−1B2u)(^{1}A_{1g}-^{1}B_{2u}) OF NAPHTHALENE IN DURENE CRYSTAL.

Author Institution: Department of Chemistry, University of MichiganThis is a continuation of a low temperature, high resolution study reported $previously,^{1}$ augmenting photographic with high quality photoelectric methods. Resonance pair spectra, pseudo-Jahn-Teller perturbations and double excitations will be discussed. $^{1}$ R. Kopelman, This Symposium, Paper R7 (1967)

DETAILED PHOSPHORESCENCE SPECTRA OF NAPHTHALENE IN DURENE CRYSTALS

Author Institution: University of MichiganLow temperature, high resolution phosphorescence spectra of mixed crystals of naphthalene in durene have been obtained. The effects of guest and host deuteration have been studied as well as the effect of controlled variations in the spectral regions used for sample excitation. The result will be discussed in terms of pseudo-localized phonons, resonance pair interactions and inter-molecular energy transfer and will be compared with the results obtained from the absorption and fluorescence spectra