Demography and sex work characteristics of female sex workers in India

BACKGROUND: The majority of sex work in India is clandestine due to unfavorable legal environment and discrimination against female sex workers (FSWs). We report data on who these women are and when they get involved with sex work that could assist in increasing the reach of HIV prevention activities for them. METHODS: Detailed documentation of demography and various aspects of sex work was done through confidential interviews of 6648 FSWs in 13 districts in the Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. The demography of FSWs was compared with that of women in the general population. RESULTS: A total of 5010 (75.4%), 1499 (22.5%), and 139 (2.1%) street-, home-, and brothel-based FSWs, respectively, participated. Comparison with women of Andhra Pradesh revealed that the proportion of those aged 20–34 years (75.6%), belonging to scheduled caste (35.3%) and scheduled tribe (10.5%), illiterate (74.7%), and of those separated/divorced (30.7%) was higher among FSWs (p < 0.001). The FSWs engaged in sex work for >5 years were more likely to be non-street-based FSWs, illiterate, living in small urban towns, and to have started sex work between 12–15 years of age. The mean age at starting sex work (21.7 years) and gap between the first vaginal intercourse and the first sexual intercourse in exchange for money (6.6 years) was lower for FSWs in the rural areas as compared with those in large urban areas (23.9 years and 8.8 years, respectively). CONCLUSION: These data highlight that women struggling with illiteracy, lower social status, and less economic opportunities are especially vulnerable to being infected by HIV, as sex work may be one of the few options available to them to earn money. Recommendations for actions are made for long-term impact on reducing the numbers of women being infected by HIV in addition to the current HIV prevention efforts in India

Hardship financing of healthcare among rural poor in Orissa, India

<p>Abstract</p> <p>Background</p> <p>This study examines health-related "hardship financing" in order to get better insights on how poor households finance their out-of-pocket healthcare costs. We define hardship financing as having to borrow money with interest or to sell assets to pay out-of-pocket healthcare costs.</p> <p>Methods</p> <p>Using survey data of 5,383 low-income households in Orissa, one of the poorest states of India, we investigate factors influencing the risk of hardship financing with the use of a logistic regression.</p> <p>Results</p> <p>Overall, about 25% of the households (that had any healthcare cost) reported hardship financing during the year preceding the survey. Among households that experienced a hospitalization, this percentage was nearly 40%, but even among households with outpatient or maternity-related care around 25% experienced hardship financing.</p> <p>Hardship financing is explained not merely by the wealth of the household (measured by assets) or how much is spent out-of-pocket on healthcare costs, but also by when the payment occurs, its frequency and its duration (e.g. more severe in cases of chronic illnesses). The location where a household resides remains a major predictor of the likelihood to have hardship financing despite all other household features included in the model.</p> <p>Conclusions</p> <p>Rural poor households are subjected to considerable and protracted financial hardship due to the indirect and longer-term deleterious effects of how they cope with out-of-pocket healthcare costs. The social network that households can access influences exposure to hardship financing. Our findings point to the need to develop a policy solution that would limit that exposure both in quantum and in time. We therefore conclude that policy interventions aiming to ensure health-related financial protection would have to demonstrate that they have reduced the frequency and the volume of hardship financing.</p

Tenure Security and Urban Social Protection Links: India

Guaranteeing tenure security to the households living in informal settlements (slums) has not seen any progress in urban India. This is because the policymakers have failed to see land tenure status as a continuum from insecure tenure to a legal status. In general, the poor in the cities move from informal to quasi?legal ( de facto ) tenure through various processes, and then to legal tenure ( de jure ) in cases of a public policy intervention that confers property title on them. In the absence of such a policy, the urban poor and low?income migrants can seek to consolidate their urban citizenship through political citizenship in an electoral democracy, through welfare interventions by the state and above all, through their own subversions of urban legalities. This article first illustrates the existence of a continuum of tenure status in informal settlements in Ahmedabad City. It explains the factors that give a slum settlement a particular level of tenure status; and then through quantitative data, links the level of tenure security to social protection outcomes. The article shows that through small public actions, it is possible to improve access of the urban poor to social protection measures and that it is not necessary to leapfrog to extending property rights to the dwellers of these informal settlements. It is essential to realise that if land titles are given in a society where other rights are not present, the poor will not be able to retain them

Protocol for a cluster randomised trial in Madhya Pradesh, India: community health promotion and medical provision and impact on neonates (CHAMPION2); and support to rural India's public education system and impact on numeracy and literacy scores (STRIPES2).

BACKGROUND: Rural areas of India exhibit high neonatal mortality, and low literacy and numeracy. We assess the effect of a complex package of health interventions on neonatal survival and the effect of out-of-school-hours teaching on children's literacy and numeracy in rural Madhya Pradesh. METHODS/DESIGN: This is a cluster-randomised controlled trial with villages (clusters) receiving either a health (CHAMPION2) or education (STRIPES2) intervention. Building on the design of the earlier CHAMPION/STRIPES trial, villages receiving the health intervention are controls for the education intervention and vice versa. The clusters are 196 villages in Satna district, Madhya Pradesh, India: each is at least 5 km from a Community Health Centre, has a population below 2500, and has at least 15 children eligible for the education intervention. The participants in CHAMPION2 are resident married women younger than 50 years of age who had not undergone a family planning operation, provided they are enumerated pre-randomisation or marry a man enumerated pre-randomisation. The participants in STRIPES2 are resident children born 16 June 2010 to 15 June 2013, not in school before the 2018-2019 school year and intending to enrol in first grade in 2018-2019 or 2019-2020. DISCUSSION: In CHAMPION2, the NICE Foundation will deliver a 3.5-year programme comprising Accredited Social Health Activists or village health workers and midwives promoting health knowledge and providing antenatal, postnatal, and neonatal healthcare; community mobilisation; referrals to appropriate government health facilities; and a health education campaign. In STRIPES2, the Pratham Education Foundation will deliver a programme of village-based, before/after school support focusing on literacy and numeracy. As controls, the CHAMPION2 control villages will receive the usual health services (plus the STRIPES2 intervention). STRIPES2 control villages will receive the usual education services (plus the CHAMPION2 intervention). The primary outcome in CHAMPION2 is neonatal mortality. Secondary outcomes include antenatal, delivery, immediate neonatal and postnatal care practices, maternal mortality, stillbirths, early neonatal deaths, perinatal deaths, health knowledge, hospital admissions, maternal blood transfusions, and cost effectiveness. The primary outcome in STRIPES2 is a composite literacy and numeracy test score. Secondary outcomes include separate literacy and numeracy scores, reported school enrolment and attendance, parents' engagement with children's learning, and cost effectiveness. Independent research and implementation teams will conduct the trial. Trial Steering and Data Monitoring Committees, with independent members, will supervise the trial. TRIAL REGISTRATION: Clinical Trial Registry of India: CTRI/2019/05/019296. Registered on 23 May 2019. http://www.ctri.nic.in/Clinicaltrials/pdf_generate.php?trialid=31198&EncHid=&modid=&compid=%27,%2731198det%27