O pensamento político dos liberais: o conceito de americanismo na construção do estado brasileiro

This article analyzes the political thought of Brazilian liberals in the XIX century within the historical context in which they had the largest influence. One of the most traditional lines of argumentation in the social sciences is that Brazilian liberalism was characterized by the transposition of liberal values and institutions of the Anglo-Saxon world in the Brazilian context without regard to the social environment. We challenge this interpretation with the aid of the concept of “Americanism” put forward by Richard Morse. We show that the Brazilian liberal thought was characterized by the theme of social heterogeneity, and in its arguments the idea that liberal values and institutions could not function in identical manner as in the original context was already present. The liberal thought operated with the idea that decentralized institutions would allow the citizen, starting from his individual interests, to build a public sphere characterized by the separation between the public and the private and by freedom. We analyze this characteristic starting from the idea of “self-interest properly understood” developed by Tocqueville.O presente artigo analisa o pensamento político dos liberais brasileiros no século XIX no contexto histórico em que ele teve maior influência política. Uma das chaves de leitura mais importantes nas ciências sociais aponta que o pensamento liberal brasileiro foi caracterizado pela transposição dos valores e das instituições liberais do mundo anglo-saxão sem atentar para o meio social. Confrontamos essa interpretação a partir do conceito de americanismo, formulado por Richard Morse. Mostramos que o pensamento liberal brasileiro foi marcado pelo tema da heterogeneidade social, e que em seu argumento já estava presente a idéia de que os valores e as instituições liberais não poderiam funcionar de maneira idêntica a de seu contexto de origem. O pensamento liberal incorporou a idéia de que as instituições descentralizadas permitiriam que o cidadão, a partir dos seus interesses individuais, construísse uma esfera pública marcada pela separação entre o público e o privado e pela liberdade. Analisamos essa característica a partir da idéia de interesse bem compreendido formulada por Tocqueville

CIVILIZAÇÃO E SERTÃO NO PENSAMENTO SOCIAL DO SÉCULO XIX

O objetivo deste artigo é demonstrar que o debate político brasileiro durante o século XIX utilizou-se das idéias de “civilização e barbárie”, ou “sertão”, como pontos centrais de análise. O autor propõe utilizar os termos “civilização” e “sertão” pensando-os como conceito unificado, capaz de reunir diversos conteúdos significativos e compreender temas diversos debatidos ao longo do século XIX. Palavras-chave: pensamento social brasileiro, império, liberalismo, civilização, barbárie. CivilizaTION AND BRAZILIAN HINTERLAND IN THE SOCIAL THOUGHT OF THE 19TH CENTURY The aim of this paper is to show that the Brazilian debate of the 19th century resorted to the ideas of “civili-zation” and “barbarity” or “hinterland”, as central points of analysis. The author proposes the use of the terms “civilization” and “hinterland” as a unified concept, capable of encom-passing a variety of meaningful contents and grasping the several topics discussed during the 19th century. Key Words: Brazilian social thought, Empire, liberalism, civilization, barbarity. CiviliSATION eT Sertão DANS LA PENSEE SOCIALE DU XIXe siècle   Cet article a pour objectif de démontrer que le débat politique brésilien au cours du XIXe siècle s’est servi des idées de “civilisation et bar-barie”, ou de “sertão”, comme références centrales d’analyse. L’auteur propose d’utiliser les termes “civilisation” et “sertão” en tant que concept unifié, capable de réunir divers contenus singnificatifs et de comprendre divers thèmes débattus tout au long du XIXe siècle. Mots-clés: pensée sociale brésilienne, empire, libéralisme, civilisation, barbarie. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br  

MULTICULTURALISMO E DIREITOS ESPECIAIS DE REPRESENTAÇÃO: o problema dos essencialismos identitários

O artigo analisa reflexões multiculturalistas sobre direitos especiais de representação, que intentam garantir maior igualdade e participação política de minorias nas democracias contemporâneas. Busca-se mostrar que a temática da representação apresentada por autores multiculturalistas não é livre de tensões quando relacionada com suas suposições de diferença e de desigualdade. A fim de debater tais problemas, mostrase, primeiramente, como teorias multiculturalistas dependem de modelos de “representação descritiva”, em que representante e representado compartilham perspectivas similares e uma mesma origem social. Argumenta-se, então, que há certos impasses da teoria que não parecem adequadamente respondidos, que versam, fundamentalmente, sobre a tensão entre a defesa de formas especiais de representação e a ideia de que tais direitos não devem implicar uma lógica de reforço de identidades e de essencialização de grupos. MULTICULTURALISM AND SPECIAL REPRESENTATION RIGHTS: the problem of identity essentialismsThis article analyzes multiculturalist reflections about the special needs of representation, which try to guarantee more equality and political engagement for minorities in contemporary democracies. This study seeks to demonstrate that the theme of representation as presented by multiculturalist authors is not free from tensions when in relation to suppositions of difference and inequality. In order to discuss these problems, it is exposed, at first, how multiculturalist theories depend on models of “descriptive representation” in which representative and represented share similar perspectives and same social origin. Therefore, it is discussed that there are certain theoretical standoffs that do not seem to have been appropriately answered. They deal fundamentally with the tension between the defense of special representation forms and the idea that such rights must not imply in a logic of identity reinforcement and groups’ essencialization.Keywords: multiculturalism, political representation, contemporary political theory, social theory, social identities. MULTICULTURALISME ET DROITS SPÉCIAUX DE REPRÉSENTATION: le problème des essentialismes identitairesL’article fait l’analyse de réflexions multiculturalistes sur les droits spéciaux de représentation qui cherchent à garantir une plus grande égalité et participation des minorités dans les démocraties contemporaines. On essaie de montrer que la question de la représentation avancée par des auteurs multiculturalistes n’est pas dépourvue de tensions lorsqu’elle est mise en relation avec ses supposées différences et inégalités. Afin de pouvoir débattre de tels problèmes, nous montrons tout d’abord comment les théories multiculturalistes dépendent de modèles de “représentation descriptive” où le représentant et le représenté partagent des perspectives similaires ainsi qu’une même origine sociale. On démontre alors que certaines impasses de la théorie ne semblent pas avoir obtenu de réponse adéquate qui porte, essentiellement, sur la tension existante entre la défense de formes particulières de représentation et l’idée que de tels droits ne devraient pas impliquer une logique de renforcement des identités et d’essentialisation de groupes.Mots-clés: multiculturalisme, représentation politique, théorie politique contemporaine, théorie sociale, identités sociales. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH no Scielo: http://www.scielo.br/ccrh Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/S0103-49792016000200011

Federalismo

This article aims at understanding the formation of the concept of federalism and of provincial interest in the Brazilian political debate of the XIXth century. At first federalism was a synonym of confederation, as revealed, for example, in the political debate surrounding the 1823 Constitution. During the 1830s, the innovations achieved in the North-American political arrangement after the convention of 1787 were started being received by Brazil’s political elite. Supporters of the «Código do Processo», Federalists argued that government employees in the provinces should come from the local population, and that decentralization should allow citizens that reside in a municipality to participate in setting the judiciary system. The rebellions that occurred during the Regency period lead to a reformulation of their political agenda, which started to give precedence to provincial interests over municipal interests. The decentralization should be conducted by the provincial legislative power to the detriment of the municipalities, and the federative pact should be understood as a space in which the various interests of the provinces contribute to push forward national development and to control public power

O Conceito de partido no debate político brasileiro 1820-1920

Studying the political debate, this article analyses the concept of party between 1820-1920. It discusses why party and faction were considered as synonyms and analyses their distinction. It locates the distinction between these two terms in the imperial period, pointing out the realization that parties would be sei in motion by national themes while factions would be motivated by local interests. This article shows that such distinctions had been based on a political system which would purify local and private interests. This distinction was cancelled in the first Republic when the parties were considered gatherings united around personalities, without principles and aiming at private interests

CIVILIZAÃÃO E SERTÃO NO PENSAMENTO SOCIAL DO SÃCULO XIX

<meta content="text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1" http-equiv="content-type"> (44) 06 Ivo Coser <span style="color: black; text-transform: uppercase;"> O objetivo deste artigo &eacute; demonstrar que o debate pol&iacute;tico brasileiro durante o s&eacute;culo XIX utilizou-se das id&eacute;ias de &ldquo;civiliza&ccedil;&atilde;o e barb&aacute;rie&rdquo;, ou &ldquo;sert&atilde;o&rdquo;, como pontos centrais de an&aacute;lise. O autor prop&otilde;e utilizar os termos &ldquo;civiliza&ccedil;&atilde;o&rdquo; e &ldquo;sert&atilde;o&rdquo; pensando-os como conceito unificado, capaz de reunir diversos conte&uacute;dos significativos e compreender temas diversos debatidos ao longo do s&eacute;culo XIX. <span style="line-height: 150%; color: black; text-transform: uppercase;"> Palavras-chave<span style="line-height: 150%; color: black;">: pensamento social brasileiro, imp&eacute;rio, liberalismo, civiliza&ccedil;&atilde;o, barb&aacute;rie. <span style="color: black; text-transform: uppercase;" lang="EN-US"> <span style="color: black; text-transform: uppercase;" lang="EN-US">CivilizaTION AND BRAZILIAN HINTERLAND IN THE SOCIAL THOUGHT OF THE 19TH CENTURY <span style="color: black;" lang="EN-US">Ivo Coser<span style="color: black;" lang="EN-US"> The aim of this paper is to show that the Brazilian debate of the 19<span style="position: relative; top: -2.5pt;">th<span style="">&nbsp;century resorted to the ideas of &ldquo;civili-zation&rdquo; and &ldquo;barbarity&rdquo; or &ldquo;hinterland&rdquo;, as central points of analysis. The author proposes the use of the terms &ldquo;civilization&rdquo; and &ldquo;hinterland&rdquo; as a unified concept, capable of encom-passing a variety of meaningful contents and grasping the several topics discussed during the 19th century. <span style="font-variant: small-caps; color: black;" lang="EN-US"> Key Words: Brazilian social thought, Empire, liberalism, civilization, barbarity.<span style="line-height: 150%; color: black;" lang="EN-US"> <span style="color: black; text-transform: uppercase;" lang="EN-US"> <span style="color: black; text-transform: uppercase;" lang="EN-US">CiviliSATION eT Sert&atilde;o DANS LA PENSEE SOCIALE DU XIX<span style="color: black;" lang="EN-US">e<span style="text-transform: uppercase;"> si&egrave;cle <span style="color: black;" lang="EN-US">Ivo Coser<span style="color: black;" lang="EN-US"> &nbsp; Cet article a pour objectif de d&eacute;montrer que le d&eacute;bat politique br&eacute;silien au cours du XIXe si&egrave;cle s&rsquo;est servi des id&eacute;es de &ldquo;civilisation et bar-barie&rdquo;, ou de &ldquo;sert&atilde;o&rdquo;, comme r&eacute;f&eacute;rences centrales d&rsquo;analyse. L&rsquo;auteur propose d&rsquo;utiliser les termes&nbsp;&ldquo;civilisation&rdquo; et &ldquo;sert&atilde;o&rdquo; en tant que concept unifi&eacute;, capable de r&eacute;unir divers contenus singnificatifs et de comprendre divers th&egrave;mes d&eacute;battus tout au long du XIXe si&egrave;cle. <span style="font-variant: small-caps; color: black;"> Mots-cl&eacute;s: pens&eacute;e sociale br&eacute;silienne, empire, lib&eacute;ralisme, civilisation, barbarie. Publica&ccedil;&atilde;o Online do Caderno CRH: <a href="http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br/">http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-indent: 0cm; text-align: justify;"><span style="line-height: 150%; color: black;" lang="EN-US">&nbsp; <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left; text-indent: 0cm;" align="left"><span style="line-height: 150%; color: black;" lang="EN-US">&nbsp; <p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: left; text-indent: 0cm;" align="left"><span style="line-height: 150%;" lang="EN-US">&nbsp; </html

Federalismo

Procura-se aqui compreender a formação do conceito de federalismo e de interesse provincial no debate político brasileiro do século XIX. Este foi formulado inicialmente como um sinónimo de confederação, como revela o debate político na constituinte de 1823. Durante os anos 1830, as inovações realizadas no arranjo político norte-americano após a convenção de 1787 foram recebidas pela elite política brasileira. O pensamento federalista articulado em torno do Código do Processo entendia que a descentralização deve permitir que o cidadão situado no município participe da montagem do aparelho judiciário e defendia que os funcionários fossem retirados da própria província. As revoltas regenciais levaram a uma reformulação do pensamento federalista, dando agora precedência ao interesse provincial. A descentralização deveria ser conduzida pelo legislativo provincial em detrimento dos municípios e o pacto federativo deveria ser entendida como um espaço onde os diversos interesses das províncias impulsionam o desenvolvimento nacional e controlam o poder público.On cherche à comprendre la formation du concept de fédéralisme et d’intérêt provincial dans les débats politiques brésiliens au XIXe siècle. Dans un premier temps, ce concept était employé comme synonyme de confédération, comme en témoigne le débat à l’assemblée constituante de 1823. Dans les années 1830, la pensée des élites politiques brésiliennes fut influencée par les innovations réalisées dans le système politique nord-américain, après la convention de 1787. Selon la pensée fédéraliste, articulée autour du Código do Processo, la décentralisation devait permettre que le citoyen d’une municipalité participe à l’édification de l’appareil judiciaire. Par ailleurs, les fonctionnaires ne devaient pas exercer dans leur province d’origine. Durant la période de la Régence, les révoltes entraînèrent une reformulation de la pensée fédéraliste, donnant désormais priorité à l’intérêt provincial. La décentralisation devait être menée par le pouvoir législatif provincial, au détriment des municipalités. Le pacte fédéraliste était alors perçu comme un espace où les différents intérêts des provinces favorisent le développement national et contrôlent le pouvoir public.This article aims at understanding the formation of the concept of federalism and of provincial interest in the Brazilian political debate of the XIXth century. At first federalism was a synonym of confederation, as revealed, for example, in the political debate surrounding the 1823 Constitution. During the 1830s, the innovations achieved in the North-American political arrangement after the convention of 1787 were started being received by Brazil’s political elite. Supporters of the «Código do Processo», Federalists argued that government employees in the provinces should come from the local population, and that decentralization should allow citizens that reside in a municipality to participate in setting the judiciary system. The rebellions that occurred during the Regency period lead to a reformulation of their political agenda, which started to give precedence to provincial interests over municipal interests. The decentralization should be conducted by the provincial legislative power to the detriment of the municipalities, and the federative pact should be understood as a space in which the various interests of the provinces contribute to push forward national development and to control public power

O conceito de federalismo e a idéia de interesse no Brasil do século XIX

This article analyzes the formation of the concept of Federalism in 19th century Brazilian political debate. We seek to understand the transition from the concept of Confederation to that of Federalism and the political values that came to be associated with the latter. Based on the methodology of Conceptual History formulated by Reinhart Koselleck, we focus on the continuities and breaks in the issue of decentralization. Analyzing 19th century newspapers and Parliamentary debates, we contend that the notion of Provincial interest is a key aspect for understanding the Federalist thinking formulated in the first half of the 19th century