Economic integration and state capacity

We investigate whether and how economic integration increases state capacity. This important relationship has not been studied in detail so far. We put together a conceptual framework to guide our analysis that highlights what we call the Montesquieu, Weber and Smith channels. Each of these correspond to a series of mechanisms in three distinct institutional arenas: judiciary, bureaucracy, and competition policy. To test our framework, we introduce a new panel of institutional reform measures which allow us to investigate how changes in these three arenas interact with each other and what sequence of changes yields increases in state capacity. The yearly data set covers all the 17 countries that became candidates to join the European Union (EU) after the 1995 enlargement. Our main finding is that the relationship between bureaucratic independence and judiciary capacity seems to be the key engine of the process of state capacity building engendered by the prospect of EU membership. Deep integration, we find, can induce broad institutional change by providing incentives for simultaneous change in core state institutions. Yet early and abrupt removal of external anchors might generate significant backsliding, or reversals, in domestic institutional change

Analysing intermediary organisations and their influence on upgrading in emerging agricultural clusters

This paper analyses intermediary organisations in developing economy agricultural clusters. The paper critically engages with a growing narrative in studies of intermediaries that have stressed the ownership structure of intermediaries as a key driver for enabling knowledge transfer, inter-firm learning and upgrading of small producers in clusters. Two case studies of Latin American clusters are presented and discussed. The study suggests that in addition to ownership structure, cluster governance and the embeddedness of intermediaries in clusters are critical factors that need to be taken into account in understanding the influence of intermediaries in the upgrading of small producers in clusters

From Lever to Club?: conditionality in the European Union during the financial crisis

How did the European Union come to develop so many instruments of conditionality during the Eurozone debt crisis, despite the well-documented limitations of such measures in other contexts? This article argues that major EU actors–Council, Commission, and Central Bank–were influenced by their own recent and positive experiences with conditionality, especially in the EU’s enlargement in the early 2000s and the early phase of the global financial crisis. However, despite the promise of conditional instruments in these two earlier episodes, further EU reliance on conditional policies has not brought the positive outcomes the main European institutions had hoped for. As EU institutions turned to harder and harder forms of conditionality in the Euro crisis, they relearned many of the familiar negative lessons of conditionality and ultimately had to concede that the apparent success of its conditionality tools in the two earlier phases was exceptional. The article documents the evolution of conditionality over these periods, showing how EU conditionality instruments changed over time, beginning as a ‘lever’ to assist the accession of candidate states in the enlargement period, and evolving into a ‘club’ used to impose macroeconomic discipline in the late 2000s. It shows why this approach to the Euro crisis failed and was ultimately downgraded as Eurozone policy shifted in favour of monetary measures in which conditionality played only a marginal role

Ethnopolitics Across Central and Eastern Europe in a State of Flux: Time for Updating and Upgrading?

This chapter illustrates why and how the existing theoretical models in the study of ethnopolitics need to be updated in light of the latest developments and the increasing impact of new catalysts. These are, namely, anti-immigration and the rise of the populist and radical right across Central and Eastern Europe. This chapter hints that the more systematic cooperation between academic experts in nationalism and academic experts in the populist and radical right will enable: (a) the former to assess more accurately the degree to which new variables such as Euroscepticism and anti-immigrant trends can reshape ethnopolitics, both as a living reality and a field of study, across Central and Eastern Europe; (b) the latter to formulate new interpretative models about how (right-wing) populist and Eurosceptic actors embed their agendas inside the pre-existing political cultures of nationalism and particularistic identity and memory politics. This chapter introduces and outlines the ethnosymbolic approach as well as the triadic and quadratic configurations of ethnopolitics. Then, it proceeds into a more empirical assessment of the applicability of these theoretical approaches in a series of case studies during the 1990s, as well as the more recent emergence of new catalysts and the ensuing necessity to update and upgrade the existing theoretical models

why do romanian universities fail to internalize quality assurance

Despite legal provisions in place since 2005, Romanian universities are considered to perform internal quality assurance only at a formal level, on paper, and usually in anticipation of external evaluations demanded by the government or other official institutions. This paper posits five hypotheses to explain this situation. We analyze 187 interviews with people in universities in order to evaluate these hypotheses. Only two hypotheses are confirmed by the data, allowing us to construct a narrative of policy failure. First, there are top-down failures resulting from unclear and inconsistent legal provisions that focus on multilayered evaluation procedures. Second, there are bottom-up failures related to the lack of ownership over internal quality assurance systems by the actors in the universities. The existing procedures are often seen as control-tools of government, and understood as disconnected from the universities' own goals and problems. Consequently, people on the ground passively try to subvert these tools by carrying them out in a ritualistic manner—which is why quality assurance cannot become internalized

The domestic regulation of transnational labour markets: EU enlargement and the politics of labour migration in Switzerland and Ireland

The entry of 10 new eastern countries in the European Union on 1 May 2004 raised several debates in Europe regarding the maintenance of national wage and labour standards in the EU 15. The significant wage differentials between ‘old’ and ‘new’ member states were believed to potentially give rise to important migration flows that individual member states would not be able to control if the rules of the Single Market, and especially freedom of movement, were directly extended to the EU 10. Among ‘old’ member states, many governments were especially afraid that Eastern European workers, once they would have gained access to the Single European Market and its four freedoms, would move massively to more affluent countries and exert great pressure on wages, labour standards and welfare states (Boeri and Brücker 2000; Kvist 2004). This was believed to be possible either through independent migration or through the use of posted workers from low-wage countries (Menz 2005). The fear of the ‘Polish plumber’ raised during the ratification of the European Constitution in France in 2005 mainly revolved around this latter issue

Causes, National Costs, and Timing of Reforms

Griffith Business School, Department of International Business and Asian StudiesNo Full Tex

Rooted transnational publics: Integrating foreign ties and civic activism

Can civic organizations be both locally rooted and globally connected? Based on a survey of 1,002 of the largest civic organizations in Hungary, we conclude that there is not a forced choice between foreign ties and domestic integration. By studying variation in types of foreign interactions and variation in types of domestic integration, our analysis goes beyond notions of footloose experts versus rooted cosmopolitans. Organizations differ in their rootedness according to whether they have ties to their members and constituents, whether they have ties to other organizations in the civic sector, and whether they associate with actors from outside the civic sector. Similarly, we specify different types of foreign ties. In both domains our emphasis is on the type of action involved in the tie–especially relations of accountability and partnership. By demonstrating a systematic relationship between the patterns of foreign ties and the patterns of domestic integration, we chart three emerging forms of transnational public