Prosodic structure and suprasegmental features:Short-vowel stød in Danish

This paper presents a phonological analysis of a glottalization phenomenon in dialects of Danish known as ‘short-vowel stød’. It is argued that both short-vowel stød and common Danish stød involve the attachment of a laryngeal feature to a prosodic node—specifically the mora. In the case of short-vowel stød that mora lacks segmental content, as it is projected top-down due to local prosodic requirements, not bottom-up by segmental material. I show that this device provides an account of the distribution of short-vowel stød as arising from the interplay of constraints on metrical structure (both lexically stored and computed by the grammar) and the requirement for morae to be featurally licensed. The analysis provides further evidence for the analysis of ‘tonal accents’ and related phenomena in terms of metrical structure rather than lexical tone or laryngeal features, and contributes to our understanding of the relationship between segmental and suprasegmental phonology in Germanic languages

Affricates, palatals and iotization in Serbian. Representational solutions to longstanding puzzles

This paper investigates the segment inventory of Serbian from both an articulatory and a phonological perspective, and it proposes a straightforward phonological analysis of both the inventory and the morpho-phonological process of iotization. The analysis is couched in terms of the Parallel Structures Model of feature geometry (Morén 2003a, b, c)

The Prosody of Swedish Underived Nouns: No lexical tones required

This paper provides a detailed representational analysis of the morpho-prosodic system of underived nouns in a dialect of Swedish. It shows that the morphology, stress and tonal patterns are not as complex as they first appear once the data are looked at in sufficient detail. Further, it shows that the renowned Swedish "lexical pitch accent" is not the result of lexical tones/tonemes. Rather, Swedish is like all other languages and uses tones to mark the edges of prosodic constituents on the surface. "Accent 2" occurs when tones mark the edge of a structural uneven trochee (i.e. recursive foot) and "accent 1" occurs elsewhere. This analysis is counter all other treatments of North Germanic1 tones and denies the almost unquestioned assumption that there is an underlying tone specification on roots and/or affixes in many North Germanic varieties. At the same time, it unifies the intuitions behind the three previous approaches found in the literature