Zofia Drzewieniecki’s entry to the Free Europe Committee, Inc.” contest for the best “Letter to the Home Country”

Zofia Drzewieniecki’s entry to the Free Europe Committee, Inc.” contest for the best “Letter to the Home Country” (“List do Kraju”) and supporting documentation. Drzewieniecki won a prize and was told that anonymous excerpts from her and other letters would be dropped anonymously to Poland. (In Polish).https://digitalcommons.buffalostate.edu/drzcivdoc/1015/thumbnail.jp

Zofia Drzewieniecki’s entry to the Free Europe Committee, Inc.” contest for the best “Letter to the Home Country”

Zofia Drzewieniecki’s entry to the Free Europe Committee, Inc.” contest for the best “Letter to the Home Country” (“List do Kraju”) and supporting documentation. Drzewieniecki won a prize and was told that anonymous excerpts from her and other letters would be dropped anonymously to Poland. (In Polish).https://digitalcommons.buffalostate.edu/drzcivdoc/1015/thumbnail.jp

La nouvelle élite politique en Pologne

The New Political Elite in Poland. The change in the political leadership in Poland in 1970 in two respects was of fundamental importance. First, it amounted to the changeover of the generations. The Communists who had come to power at the end of World War II and stayed there throughout the 1950s and the 1960s, were replaced by the younger people who had already been educated and made it to the top in People's Poland. Second, it represented a novel historical situation for Poland. For the first time since the 18th century the country became ruled by the people who had made their entire political career in the Polish state. During the period of partitions, of course, no Polish state was in existence. In 1918-1939 the ruling elite, composed predominantly of the followers of Marshal Pilsudski, came into power as a result of the struggle for national liberation. The post-war Communist elite, which since 1956 was led by Gomulka, made it to the top as a result of the social upheaval. Both of the past Polish elites, thus, were highly ideologically motivated (although their ideologies were entirely different), but at the same time they had little experience in governing the country. The new elite led by Gierek is basically different. It is composed predominantly of people who were born in the 1920s; they are all relatively well educated and have had considerable practical administrative experience. The different background of the new elite accounts for the fact that their political philosophy and political style differ radically from those of the Gomulka group. The Gierek people are not professional revolutionaries but practical administrators; and as such they are less ideological and more pragmatic than their predecessors. This does not mean, however, that they are not loyal communists. In their youth during the Stalinist period they were exposed to intense political indoctrination, and they owe their careers to the Communist party. Gierek's present position is quite strong — he enjoys popularity in the country and unquestionable authority in the party. Yet, he is over 60 already and his health was impaired, when in his youth he worked in the mines in France and Belgium. Moreover, he has frequently stressed that he would not like to stay as the First Secretary for too long, so he may simply resign from this position before the end of the 1970s. The replacement of Gierek will not represent such a drastic change as the resignation of Gomulka, for it will not amount to the changeover of generations. The people from the present Communist leadership, who were born in the 1920s and the early 1930s, will most likely continue ruling Poland well into the 1980s. Only then the younger people, who were already born in the post-war period, will move into positions of influence and they may undertake some new political changes.Le changement survenu au sein de la direction politique polonaise en 1970 est d'une importance fondamentale à deux égards. D'abord, il a entraîné une relève des générations. Les communistes, qui étaient arrivés au pouvoir à la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale et qui s'y étaient maintenus au cours des années cinquante et soixante, ont été remplacés par des hommes plus jeunes dont l'éducation et l'accession à des postes élevés se sont entièrement déroulées en Pologne populaire. Deuxièmement, la Pologne a été confrontée à une situation historique nouvelle. Pour la première fois depuis le 18e siècle, le pays fut dirigé par des hommes dont toute la carrière politique s'est faite dans l'Etat polonais même. Pendant la période des partages, il n'existait évidemment pas d'Etat polonais. En 1918-1939, les élites au pouvoir, composées essentiellement de partisans du maréchal Pilsudski, y sont parvenues à la suite des luttes de libération nationale. L'élite communiste d'après-guerre, dirigée depuis 1956 par Gomulka, est venue au pouvoir à la suite d'un soulèvement social. C'est pourquoi, l'une et l'autre de ces deux élites étaient hautement motivées du point de vue idéologique (bien que leurs idéologies fussent totalement différentes) mais n'avaient, en même temps, qu'une faible expérience en matière de gouvernement. La nouvelle élite, dirigée par Gierek, est fondamentalement autre. Elle se compose surtout de personnes nées au cours des années vingt, qui toutes ont un niveau d'éducation relativement élevé et dont l'expérience administrative pratique est considérable. L'origine différente de cette nouvelle élite explique pourquoi sa philosophie et son style politiques diffèrent radicalement de ceux du groupe de Gomulka. Les partisans de Gierek ne sont pas des révolutionnaires professionnels mais des administrateurs, et en tant que tels, sont moins portés sur l'idéologie et plus pragmatiques que leurs prédécesseurs. Ce qui ne veut nullement dire qu'ils ne soient pas de loyaux communistes. Pendant leur jeunesse, au cours de la période stalinienne, ils ont été soumis à un endoctrinement politique intense et c'est au parti communiste qu'ils doivent leur carrière. La position de Gierek est assez forte actuellement, il jouit d'une grande popularité dans le pays et exerce une autorité incontestable sur le parti. Cependant, il a déjà plus de soixante ans et sa santé s'est altérée depuis que, dans sa jeunesse, il a travaillé comme mineur en France et en Belgique. En outre, il a souvent répété qu'il ne voudrait pas rester premier secrétaire du parti trop longtemps ; ainsi il se pourrait qu'il démissionne de ce poste avant la fin des années soixante-dix. Le remplacement de Gierek ne représentera pas un changement aussi radical que le renvoi de Gomulka car il n'impliquera pas une relève des générations. Les personnes appartenant aujourd'hui aux cercles dirigeants communistes, nées au cours des années vingt et au début des années trente, vont probablement rester en place ces prochaines années et pendant une grande partie des années quatre-vingt. Ce n'est qu'à cette époque que les générations plus jeunes, nées au cours de l'après- guerre, atteindront des postes élevés et entreprendront, peut-être, de nouvelles transformations politiques.Bromke Adam. La nouvelle élite politique en Pologne. In: Revue de l'Est, vol. 5, 1974, n°3. pp. 7-18

Political idealism and political realism in modern Poland.

The title chosen for this study emphasizes the antithesis between political idealism and political realism in Polish political thought. Such a study goes beyond a mere intellectual exercise to touch upon the heart or political controversy in modern Poland. For in the opinion or the writer, amid the cross-crossing currents or international politics, social processes, and ideological trends--at least in the past two centuries the conflict between political idealism and political realism has represented the single most significant phenomenon in Polish political lire. The antonymy between political idealism and political realism in Poland is basically but a fragment, confined to a single nation, or an ancient dispute between these two schools or Western political thought. The conflict between Polish political idealists and political realists is in the first place a psychological one