Transitional Work Policies Quicken the Return to Work of Injured Employees for Medium Sized Police Departments in Texas

Discusses the benefit of having transitional work assignments or light duty assignments in order to reduce the time injured employees are off work

Doxycycline versus prednisolone as an initial treatment strategy for bullous pemphigoid: a pragmatic non-inferiority randomised controlled trial

Background: Bullous pemphigoid (BP) is a blistering skin disorder with increased mortality. We tested whether a strategy of starting treatment with doxycycline conveys acceptable short-term blister control whilst conferring long-term safety advantages over starting treatment with oral corticosteroids. Methods: Pragmatic multi-centre parallel-group randomised controlled trial of adults with BP (≥3 blisters ≥2 sites and linear basement membrane IgG/C3) plus economic evaluation. Participants were randomised to doxycycline (200 mg/day) or prednisolone (0·5 mg/kg/day). Localised adjuvant potent topical corticosteroids (<30 g/week) was permitted weeks 1-3. The non-inferiority primary effectiveness outcome was the proportion of participants with ≤3 blisters at 6 weeks. We assumed that doxycycline would be 25% less effective than corticosteroids with a 37% acceptable margin of noninferiority. The primary safety outcome was the proportion with severe, life-threatening or fatal treatment-related adverse events by 52 weeks. Analysis used a regression model adjusting for baseline disease severity, age and Karnofsky score, with missing data imputed. Results: 132 patients were randomised to doxycycline and 121 to prednisolone from 54 UK and 7 German dermatology centres. Mean age was 77·7 years and 68.4% had moderate to severe baseline disease. For those starting doxycycline, 83/112 (74·1%) had ≤3 blisters at 6 weeks compared with 92/101 (91·1%) for prednisolone, a difference of 18·6% favouring prednisolone (upper limit of 90% CI, 26·1%, within the predefined 37% margin). Related severe, life-threatening and fatal events at 52 weeks were 18·5% for those starting doxycycline and 36·6% for prednisolone (mITT analysis), an adjusted difference of 19·0% (95% CI, 7·9%, 30·1%, p=0·001). Conclusions: A strategy of starting BP patients on doxycycline is non-inferior to standard treatment with oral prednisolone for short-term blister control and significantly safer long-term

Endocrine Disruptor Regulation of MicroRNA Expression in Breast Carcinoma Cells

Several environmental agents termed "endocrine disrupting compounds" or EDCs have been reported to bind and activate the estrogen receptor-α (ER). The EDCs DDT and BPA are ubiquitously present in the environment, and DDT and BPA levels in human blood and adipose tissue are detectable in most if not all women and men. ER-mediated biological responses can be regulated at numerous levels, including expression of coding RNAs (mRNAs) and more recently non-coding RNAs (ncRNAs). Of the ncRNAs, microRNAs have emerged as a target of estrogen signaling. Given the important implications of EDC-regulated ER function, we sought to define the effects of BPA and DDT on microRNA regulation and expression levels in estrogen-responsive human breast cancer cells.To investigate the cellular effects of DDT and BPA, we used the human MCF-7 breast cancer cell line, which is ER (+) and hormone sensitive. Our results show that DDT and BPA potentiate ER transcriptional activity, resulting in an increased expression of receptor target genes, including progesterone receptor, bcl-2, and trefoil factor 1. Interestingly, a differential increase in expression of Jun and Fas by BPA but not DDT or estrogen was observed. In addition to ER responsive mRNAs, we investigated the ability of DDT and BPA to alter the miRNA profiles in MCF-7 cells. While the EDCs and estrogen similarly altered the expression of multiple microRNAs in MCF-7 cells, including miR-21, differential patterns of microRNA expression were induced by DDT and BPA compared to estrogen.We have shown, for the first time, that BPA and DDT, two well known EDCs, alter the expression profiles of microRNA in MCF-7 breast cancer cells. A better understanding of the molecular mechanisms of these compounds could provide important insight into the role of EDCs in human disease, including breast cancer

Ethnic Party Bans in East Africa from a Comparative Perspective

Since 1990 the banning of ethnic and other identity-based parties has become the norm in sub-Saharan Africa. This article focuses on Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda as three East African countries that have opted for different ways of dealing with such parties. Using case studies, it traces the origins of the party bans in Tanzania and Uganda and explores the reasons for the absence of a ban in Kenya. The analysis shows that the laws on particularistic parties have actually been implemented by the appropriate institutions. However, these laws have only marginally influenced the character of the political parties in the three countries: A comparison of regional voting patterns suggests that bans on particularistic parties have not ensured the emergence of aggregative parties with a national following in Tanzania and Uganda. In Kenya on the other hand, where such a ban was nonexistent until 2008, parties have not proven to be more regional.Das Verbot ethnischer und anderer identitätsbasierter politischer Parteien ist seit Beginn der 1990er Jahre im subsaharischen Afrika zur Norm geworden. Der vorliegende Aufsatz analysiert drei ostafrikanische Länder, die verschiedene Wege im Umgang mit partikularistischen Parteien eingeschlagen haben und untersucht, warum Tansania und Uganda ein Parteienverbot eingeführt haben, Kenia jedoch nicht. Die Untersuchung macht zudem deutlich, dass die zuständigen Institutionen die Gesetze zwar anwenden, dies jedoch nicht zu nationalen Parteien führt: Eine Analyse der Wahlergebnisse auf subnationaler Ebene zeigt, dass insbesondere Oppositionsparteien oft regionale Hochburgen aber keine landesweite Unterstützung haben. Politische Parteien in Kenia sind dabei trotz divergierender Parteiregulierung nicht deutlich weniger national als Parteien in Tansania und Uganda