The Women’s Equality Party: Emergence, Organisation and Challenges

Women's political parties are designed to increase women's representation in politics. More than thirty have been established in Europe since 1987, yet there has been little systematic analysis of why and when they emerge, how they organize, and what challenges they face. We argue that the study of women's parties can offer insights into questions concerning inter and intra-party power relations and the relationship between social movements and political parties, whilst also contributing to broader debates around the 'big questions' of representation, gender (in)equality, and the dynamics of political inclusion and exclusion. This article explores these issues through a case study analysis of the UK's Women's Equality Party. Drawing upon original empirical research undertaken with party activists and officials, we argue that the party's impact has been constrained by wider organizational logics and an unequal party system, whilst it has so far adhered to traditional (male-dominated) patterns of party organisation

Bringing men and masculinities into political science

Most politicians are men, yet there is a surprising lack of focus within political science on the causes and consequences of male dominance. This article outlines how political science could benefit from greater engagement with scholarship on men and masculinities. The concept of ‘political masculinities’ has focused on the importance of ‘the political’ to masculinities scholarship; we argue for extending this concept to analyse men and masculinities within political science. We identify insights from scholarship on masculinities that would deepen our understanding of power within formal political arenas. We consider how gender and politics scholarship could benefit from expanding its focus on men. We highlight feminist institutionalism as a tool for bringing masculinities into the study of political institutions. We then offer a framework for taking this research agenda forwards, showing how we can better understand male dominance by thinking about how men access, exercise, maintain and reproduce power.</jats:p

Vascular characteristics in young women-Effect of extensive endurance training or a sedentary lifestyle

Aim: To explore whether high-level endurance training in early age has an influence on the arterial wall properties in young women. Methods: Forty-seven athletes (ATH) and 52 controls (CTR), all 17-25 years of age, were further divided into runners (RUN), whole-body endurance athletes (WBA), sedentary controls (SC) and normally active controls (AC). Two-dimensional ultrasound scanning of the carotid arteries was conducted to determine local common carotid artery (CCA) geometry and wall distensibility. Pulse waves were recorded with a tonometer to determine regional pulse wave velocity (PWV) and pulse pressure waveform. Results: Carotid-radial PWV was lower in WBA than in RUN (P < .05), indicating higher arterial distensibility along the arm. Mean arterial pressure was lower in ATH than in CTR and in RUN than in WBA (P < .05). Synthesized aortic augmentation index (AI at 75) was lower among ATH than among CTR (-12.8 ± 1.6 vs -2.6 ± 1.2%, P < .001) and in WBA than in RUN (-16.4 ± 2.5 vs -10.7 ± 2.0%, P < .05), suggesting a diminished return of reflection waves to the aorta during systole. Carotid-femoral PWV and intima-media thickness (IMT), lumen diameter and radial distensibility of the CCA were similar in ATH and CTR. Conclusion: Elastic artery distensibility and carotid artery IMT are not different in young women with extensive endurance training over several years and in those with sedentary lifestyle. On the other hand, our data suggest that long-term endurance training is associated with potentially favourable peripheral artery adaptation, especially in sports where upper body work is added. This adaptation, if persisting later in life, could contribute to lower cardiovascular risk

Women’s selection into parliament: the interplay between formal rules and informal practices

Political processes are shaped by the gendered ways in which women and men are selected to run for political office. This paper examines the increase in women entering the parliamentary arena and employs a feminist historical institutionalism approach to understand how and why change in female representation occurs. We examine the interplay between formal rules and informal practices on candidate selection through the case of Queensland, Australia. Drawing on policy developments and analysis of election reports, we explore the difficulties in changing the gendered nature of political parties, the formal and informal processes, the pace of change and the political struggles and opportunities along the way. Factors supporting increased representation included leadership, sanctions, placement mandates, as well as vacancies and a ‘glass cliff’ political environment. Support for formal rules and quotas - despite resistance at the informal level - has gradually improved opportunities for women in one political party in this jurisdiction and achieved very positive outcomes. In contrast, the other major party has opposed quotas relying instead on informal practices and rules, which result in less positive outcomes for women

Why are Representational Guarantees Adopted for Women and Minorities? : Comparing Constituency Formation and Electoral Quota Design Within Countries

This article explores the underlying motives for ensuring the political inclusion of marginalised groups. More specifically, it analyses whether laws guaranteeing representation are designed differently for women and minorities and, if so, whether these differences correspond to normative arguments for group representation. We use a novel research strategy by comparing quota designs in all countries that have adopted quotas for both groups. Theoretically, we reconceptualise the relevant distinction between quota types by focusing on whether a special constituency is created or not. We identify substantial differences in quota design between the two groups. Minorities tend to be guaranteed representation through the creation of special constituencies, whereas gender quotas more commonly imply integration into pre-existing constituencies. The analysis largely supports those who argue that quotas for minorities aim to increase the autonomy of the group in question while gender quotas are adopted with the intention to integrate women into the political system