The dynamics of donor and domestic elite interaction in Mozambique: formal decentralisation and informal power structures

This paper analyses the interaction of domestic political elites and external donors against the backdrop of Mozambique's decentralisation process. The empirical research at national and local levels supports the hypothesis that informal power structures influence the dynamics of this interaction. Consequently, this contributes to an outcome of externally induced democratisation different to what was intended by external actors. The decentralisation process has been utilised by ruling domestic elites for political purposes. Donors have rather focused on the technical side and ignored this informal dimension. By analysing the diverging objectives and perceptions of external and internal actors, as well as the instrumentalisation of formal democratic structures, it becomes clear, that the ‘informal has to be seen as normal'. At a theoretical level, the analysis contributes to elite-oriented approaches of post-conflict democratisation by adding 'the informal' as an additional factor for the dynamics of external-internal interaction. At a policy level, external actors need to take more into account informal power structures and their ambivalence for state-building and democratisation

Stuttgart – a Livable City: The global Agenda 2030 at a local level Baseline study depicting the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs)

The United Nations adopted the Agenda 2030 in 2015. This was a basis for the transition to a world in which economic efficiency, ecological compatibility and social justice can be in accord with one another. The Agenda 2030 addresses all states (“every country is a developing country”) at an international, national and, just as much, at a regional and local level. An essential component of Agenda 2030 are the 17 goals for a sustainable development (Sustainable Development Goals, SDGs). To achieve the goals of Agenda 2030 the focus is on partnerships between various actors from administration, politics, business and civil society. In the further development of the Sustainable Development Strategy for Germany in 2017 the Federal Government oriented itself systematically towards the Agenda 2030 with the 17 SDGs. Many other German states also developed strategies geared towards the SDGs. In Baden-Württemberg the Advisory Council of the State Government prepared a proposal as to how the SDGs could be integrated into the state-specific guidelines for sustainable development. The municipalities, having a close relationship with the residents, play a particular role when it comes to implementing Agenda 2030. To map out the status of sustainable development on a quantitative basis of SDGs and at a local level, seven organisations started a nationwide project in 2017 “SDG indicators for municipalities” – proposals for SDGs at a local level: Association of German Cities, German County Association, German Association of Towns and Municipalities, German Institute for Urban Studies (Difu), Federal Institute for Building, Urban Affairs and Spatial Research, Service Agency Communities in One World of Engagement Global and the Bertelsmann Foundation. As one of the first municipalities in Germany the State Capital Stuttgart took on the challenging task of pilot-testing the “SDG indicators for municipalities” from June to October 2018. A second phase between July and September 2019 saw the update of the data. The baseline study was carried out in cooperation with the Bertelsmann Foundation and Difu. The SDG baseline study for the State Capital Stuttgart has two main objectives: first, to analyse the current status of the city on the basis of data in place as regards social, ecological and economic sustainability and to improve the possibilities of a target-oriented, strategic development of the city’s measures; second, with this SDG baseline study to make a methodological contribution to a target-oriented strategic, further development of SDG indicators for an appropriate and effective design for the SDG baseline-studies in municipalities. The different starting conditions make a comparison of cities neither possible nor envisaged – however, the municipalities will receive a toolbox so they can gauge their own development. A qualitative depiction of selected programmes and measures of the State Capital Stuttgart complements the quantitative baseline study. These descriptions give an impression of the spectrum of the measures which can be taken with a view to sustainability. This should also address the issue in other cities and communities. Stuttgart sees itself here as an impulse-giver, but also as a learner, in a national and international network of local actors. The SDGs offer a comprehensive target system for sustainability and, at the same time, they point out possible conflicts of interests. The implementation of strategic objectives requires continuous monitoring. The participative, cross-divisional process of the baseline study shows that the tried and tested SDG indicators for municipalities are a suitable instrument to be quantitatively supportive in realising the existing objectives and approaches of the State Capital Stuttgart for social, ecological and economic sustainability. It was constructive to discuss the SDG indicators methodologically on a cross-sectoral basis, and to select and expand on issues to do justice to the distinctiveness of a municipality. This way, the cross-divisional knowledge management and the understanding of the correlations between the individual sustainability measures could be strengthened. All divisions and departments of the City of Stuttgart worked with enormous commitment on this report. Based on SDG indicators, this baseline study has for the first time developed a cross-sectoral instrument for a regular, all-embracing monitoring of correlations of social, economic and ecological sustainability. This forms an important basis for future recommendations and an effective action on the part of politics, administration and urban society which will help to serve the further development of municipal objectives and measures of implementing the SDGs in the State Capital Stuttgart. The present executive summary provides an overview of the methodological approach, a compilation of the selected indicators as well as the main results with regards to the process and further development of SDG- indicators

Zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen in Autokratien: Akteure des Wandels?

Zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen (CSOs) galten lange als Hoffnungsträger für die Demokratisierung. Aber spätestens seit dem "Arabischen Frühling" ist Ernüchterung eingekehrt. In Autokratien stützen CSOs vielfach die Macht der Regierungen. Zur Sicherung ihrer Macht streben autoritäre Regierungen danach, die Gesellschaft zu kontrollieren und zu steuern und insbesondere öffentliche Diskurse zu herrschaftsrelevanten Themen zu dominieren. Vielfach versuchen sie, CSOs für die Verteilung gesellschaftlicher Wohltaten einzuspannen, sie selektiv in Entscheidungsstrukturen einzubinden und dadurch politisch zu neutralisieren. Überregionale und politikfeldspezifische Vergleiche helfen, die Dynamiken von Beziehungen zwischen Staat und CSOs in Autokratien besser zu verstehen. In den postsozialistischen Ländern Algerien, Mosambik und Vietnam beeinflusst der Staat die Art der internen Willensbildung, die Wahl von Aktivitäten und die Auswahl von Führungspersonal in bzw. durch die CSOs. In allen drei Ländern kooptiert der Staat im Wirtschaftsbereich aktive CSOs. In Algerien und Mosambik tragen CSOs zum Erhalt der staatlichen Diskursmacht im Bereich Gender und Frauenrechte bei, in Vietnam haben sie Teil sowohl an deren Erhalt als auch deren Schwächung. Während CSOs in Algerien und Vietnam eher die Macht des Staates im Wohlfahrtsbereich stützen - konkret bei der Bekämpfung von HIV/AIDS -, tragen mosambikanische CSOs in diesem Bereich tendenziell dazu bei, die Macht des Staates zu schwächen. (Entwicklungs-)politische Akteure sollten auf die Durchsetzung der Rechte von Bürgern, sich zu organisieren, drängen. Bei der Zusammenarbeit mit CSOs in Autokratien ist zu prüfen, ob diese zur Verfestigung autoritärer Strukturen beitragen. Geberländer sollten CSOs dabei unterstützen, innerorganisatorische Willensbildungsprozesse demokratisch zu gestalten

Do associations support authoritarian rule? Evidence from Algeria, Mozambique, and Vietnam

Whether associations help to democratize authoritarian rule or support those in power is a contested issue that so far lacks a cross-regional, comparative perspective. In this article we focus on five types of associations in three post-socialist countries, situated in different world regions, that are governed by authoritarian regimes. We first explore how infrastructural and discursive state power impact such associations and vice versa. We then discuss whether these associations support the development of citizens' collective and individual self-determination and autonomy and/or whether they negate such self-determination and autonomy - a state of affairs that is at the core of authoritarianism. Our analysis addresses decision-making in associations and three specific policy areas. We find that most of the covered associations accept or do not openly reject state/ruling party interference in their internal decision-making processes. Moreover, in most of these associations the self-determination and autonomy of members are restricted, if not negated. With respect to HIV/AIDS policy, associations in Algeria and Vietnam toe the official line, and thus contribute, unlike their counterparts in Mozambique, to negating the self-determination and autonomy of affected people and other social minorities. Looking at enterprise promotion policy, we find that the co-optation of business and professionals’ associations in all three countries effectively limits democratizing impulses. Finally, in all three countries many, but not all, of the interviewed associations support state-propagated norms concerning gender and gender relationships, thus contributing to limiting the self-determination and autonomy of women in the private sphere

The Theory and Reality of Civil Society Participation in Local Political Structures and Decision-Making Processes. The Case of the Decentrally Administered Municipality of Chimoio, Mosambik.

The study departs from the proposition that civil society participation within decentralization strategies can contribute substantially to the combat of poverty in developing countries.The theoretical framework deals with the general concept of civil society participation against its historical background with special focus on the theories of Habermas and Foucault. On this basis the thesis reconstructs the developmental discourse of the concepts of decentralization and civil society participation. They are linked to the central concepts of empowerment, local governance and political culture.The methodology consists of a combination of ethnography and participatory action research. The typology of Plummer (2000) systematizes the various dimensions of the actors and of participation.The empirical part of the study focuses on civil society participation and decentralization in Mozambique, which belongs to the six poorest countries in the world. This is carried out against the background of the specific historical and political constellation of the Portuguese colonial regime, the socialist one-party-state and the democratization process after 1992. In line with more functional aspects, the extent of civil society participation in local political decision-making processes is analyzed, taking the case of the municipality of Chimoio, province of Manica. The study explores, which limits and chances the interaction of civil society with official mandate- and office-holders offers for the improvement of the living-conditions of citizens.The perspectives of the theoretical and the empirical level are contrasted, in order to deal with questions of theoretical ambition and reality as well as the legitimacy and compatibility of the concepts. The study does not only work with the, but also on the theoretical frame. Out of that, the research provides general results and recommendations for the developmental theory and practice. The results shed light on factors that represent the conditions of civil society participation in many municipalities in Mozambique and other developing countries, especially in Sub-Sahara Africa.The research shows, that factors like the distribution of power and political culture play a decisive role for civil society participation. Besides the level of legal prerequisites and the instruments of participation, the level of consciousness has especially to be taken into account. The participation of many societal groups remains too weak without explicit promotion. Participation is hampered and manipulated by the municipal government. It is limited to insufficient information rather than extended to communication, consultation, cooperation or mobilization.The official political decision-makers lack the legitimacy and capacity for service-delivery all the more it is important to give space for civil society action. Informal participation structures have to be taken into consideration as well. The existing, or respectively, the newly developing informal forms of participation, which exist side by side with the municipal government, need to be integrated and made transparent. Disassociated from classical approaches, therefore e.g. (party)political and traditional authorities have to be recognized as part of civil society as well.On the theoretical level the study shows, that an extensional and intentional enlargement of the notion of civil society is needed, in the sense of post-modern approaches. The dichotomist view of civil society as counter-power of the state is inadequate. There are multilayered interrelations. Instead of taking the social and organisational affiliation of actors into account, the criteria for the definition of civil society needs to be established on the basis of their acting in favour of development goals

Regulatory encoding of quantitative variation in spatial activity of a Drosophila enhancer

International audienceDevelopmental enhancers control the expression of genes prefiguring morphological patterns. The activity of an enhancer varies among cells of a tissue, but collectively, expression levels in individual cells constitute a spatial pattern of gene expression. How the spatial and quantitative regulatory information is encoded in an enhancer sequence is elusive. To link spatial pattern and activity levels of an enhancer, we used systematic mutations of the yellow spot enhancer, active in developing Drosophila wings, and tested their effect in a reporter assay. Moreover, we developed an analytic framework based on the comprehensive quantification of spatial reporter activity. We show that the quantitative enhancer activity results from densely packed regulatory information along the sequence, and that a complex interplay between activators and multiple tiers of repressors carves the spatial pattern. Our results shed light on how an enhancer reads and integrates trans-regulatory landscape information to encode a spatial quantitative pattern

miRNA92a targets KLF2 and the phosphatase PTEN signaling to promote human T follicular helper precursors in T1D islet autoimmunity.

Aberrant immune activation mediated by T effector cell populations is pivotal in the onset of autoimmunity in type 1 diabetes (T1D). T follicular helper (TFH) cells are essential in the induction of high-affinity antibodies, and their precursor memory compartment circulates in the blood. The role of TFH precursors in the onset of islet autoimmunity and signaling pathways regulating their differentiation is incompletely understood. Here, we provide direct evidence that during onset of islet autoimmunity, the insulin-specific target T-cell population is enriched with a C-X-C chemokine receptor type 5 (CXCR5)+CD4+ TFH precursor phenotype. During onset of islet autoimmunity, the frequency of TFH precursors was controlled by high expression of microRNA92a (miRNA92a). miRNA92a-mediated TFH precursor induction was regulated by phosphatase and tension homolog (PTEN) - phosphoinositol-3-kinase (PI3K) signaling involving PTEN and forkhead box protein O1 (Foxo1), supporting autoantibody generation and triggering the onset of islet autoimmunity. Moreover, we identify Krueppel-like factor 2 (KLF2) as a target of miRNA92a in regulating human TFH precursor induction. Importantly, a miRNA92a antagomir completely blocked induction of human TFH precursors in vitro. More importantly, in vivo application of a miRNA92a antagomir to nonobese diabetic (NOD) mice with ongoing islet autoimmunity resulted in a significant reduction of TFH precursors in peripheral blood and pancreatic lymph nodes. Moreover, miRNA92a antagomir application reduced immune infiltration and activation in pancreata of NOD mice as well as humanized NOD Scid IL2 receptor gamma chain knockout (NSG) human leucocyte antigen (HLA)-DQ8 transgenic animals. We therefore propose that miRNA92a and the PTEN-PI3K-KLF2 signaling network could function as targets for innovative precision medicines to reduce T1D islet autoimmunity