207 research outputs found
Foi rationnelle ou foi historique : la critique de QuâestÂ-ce que sâorienter dans la pensĂ©e? par Wizenmann
Cet article se propose dâexaminer la rĂ©ponse de Wizenmann Ă lâarticle de Kant quâest-ce que sâorienter dans la pensĂ©e ? et de montrer quâil ne sâagit pas dans le dĂ©bat Kant-Wizenmann de conflit entre foi et raison, mais de lâorigine de la foi. Il sâagit, si lâon devait rĂ©sumer en une question, de savoir Ă partir dâoĂč et comment lâhomme sâĂ©veille Ă la foi. Kant dĂ©fend lâargument selon lequel le principe dâorientation dans la pensĂ©e est subjectif et, donc, que câest par un « besoin de la raison » que nous sommes conduits Ă la foi. Wizenmann remet en cause cet idĂ©al rationnel en rĂ©affirmant la dĂ©pendance du principe subjectif sur un principe objectif. Autrement dit, mĂȘme si on a besoin de la raison pour sâorienter en ce qui concerne Dieu, câest moins la raison que la rĂ©vĂ©lation qui nous conduit Ă la foi
Injustice nationale et asymétrie de pouvoir au niveau mondial : pour une approche républicaine de la responsabilité globale en matiÚre de lutte contre la pauvreté mondiale
Lâobjectif de notre projet de recherche est de concevoir une approche rĂ©publicaine des obligations internationales en matiĂšre de lutte contre la pauvretĂ© mondiale qui tout en reconnaissant la nĂ©cessitĂ© dâune rĂ©forme normative des institutions interÂŹnaÂŹtioÂŹnales, accorde, dans la lutte contre la pauvretĂ© mondiale, une prioritĂ© Ă la resÂŹponÂŹsaÂŹbilitĂ© au niveau national.
Notre travail entend souscrire Ă une thĂ©orie de la justice globale qui prend position par rapport Ă lâapproche cosmopolite de la responsabilitĂ© globale dĂ©fendue par Thomas Pogge. Par rapport Ă la thĂšse de Pogge qui fonde la nĂ©cessitĂ© de la justice globale sur lâexistence dâun lien de causalitĂ© entre la pauvretĂ© mondiale et le systĂšme international, nous avons proposĂ© une justification tout autre de la justice globale qui sâappuie sur une double prise en considĂ©ration : celle de la nature informelle du pouvoir politique dans les pays pauvres et celle concernant les dynamiques de pouvoir inhĂ©rent aux relations bilatĂ©rales entre les gouvernements des pays pauvres et les gouvernements des pays riches.
Suivant cette perspective, il sâest imposĂ© Ă nous que les injustices extrĂȘmes que traduit la persistance de la pauvretĂ© mondiale Ă©taient causalement imputables Ă la nature nĂ©o patrimoniale de lâĂtat dans les pays pauvres, et que les pays riches, au moyen de leurs politiques Ă©trangĂšres, contribuaient au maintien de la pauvretĂ© en soutenant politiquement et financiĂšrement les pratiques infra institutionnelles qui dominent lâĂtat dans les pays pauvres. Ainsi, en nous inspirant de lâapproche rĂ©publicaine de la libertĂ© comme non-domination, nous avons rĂ©Ă©valuĂ© le lien entre la pauvretĂ© mondiale et le systĂšme international en montrant, tout dâabord, que la domination au niveau global est intimement liĂ©e Ă la maniĂšre dont lâĂtat nĂ©o patrimonial exerce sa souverainetĂ©, câest-Ă -dire la gestion politique de la dĂ©pendance ; ensuite, il est apparu que les schĂšmes institutionnels de domination au niveau global relevaient Ă bien des Ă©gards du caractĂšre injuste de la politique Ă©trangĂšre des superpuissances qui contrĂŽlent la scĂšne politique mondiale et du mode clientĂ©liste et informel sous lequel fonctionnent les relations bilatĂ©rales entre les pays riches et les pays pauvres. Donc, loin de causer la pauvretĂ© mondiale, le systĂšme international exhausse Ă sa maniĂšre une pauvretĂ© dĂ©jĂ existante au niveau domestique et au renforcement de laquelle contribue la politique Ă©trangĂšre des pays riches.
Des analyses prĂ©cĂ©dentes qui sâinscrivent dans la logique dâune approche Ă©tatiste de la justice globale, nous avons Ă©laborĂ©, suivant le principe de la libertĂ© comme non-domination, les orientations normatives que devrait prendre un dispositif de la justice globale destinĂ© Ă lutter contre la pauvretĂ© mondiale. Nous sommes partis, avant tout, de lâhypothĂšse quâen lâabsence dâune rĂ©forme normative des institutions politiques au niveau des pays pauvres et dâune rĂ©forme dĂ©mocratique de la politique Ă©trangĂšre au niveau des pays riches â donc en lâabsence dâune justice Ă ces deux niveaux doÂŹmes-tiques â lâefficacitĂ© de la justice globale pensĂ©e comme non-domination sera comÂŹpro-mise. LâidĂ©e est de montrer que la rĂ©forme normative du systĂšme international repose, Ă bien des Ă©gards, sur la rĂ©forme normative des institutions politiques nationales.The objective of our research project is to design a republican approach to international obligations in the fight against global poverty which, while recognizing the need for normative reform of international institutions, grants, in the fight against global poverty, a priority for accountability at the national level.
Our work intends to subscribe to a theory of global justice that takes a stand in relation to the cosmopolitan approach of global responsibility defended by Thomas Pogge. In relation to Poggeâs thesis who based the necessity of global justice on the existence of a causal link between global poverty and the international system, we have proposed a quite different justification for global justice based on the informal nature of political power in poor countries, and the dynamics of power inherent in bilateral relations between the governments of poor countries and the governments of rich countries.
From this perspective, it has become clear to us that the extreme injustices in the persistence of global poverty were caused by the neo-patrimonial nature of the state in poor countries and that the rich countries, contributed to the maintenance of poverty by politically and financially supporting the infra-institutional practices that dominate the state in poor countries. Thus, drawing inspiration from the republican approach to freedom as non-domination, we re-evaluated the link between world poverty and the international system by showing, first of all, that domination at the global level is intimately linked to The way in which the neo-patrimonial State exercises its sovereignty, that is to say, the political management of dependence; Then it emerged that the institutional patterns of global domination were in many respects related to the unfairness of the foreign policy of the superpowers controlling the world political scene and the often informal clientelistic mode under which are functioning bilateral relations between Rich and poor countries. Thus, far from causing world poverty, the international system in its own way exaggerates existing poverty at the domestic level and the strengthening of which contributes to the foreign policy of the rich countries.
In the preceding analyzes, which follow the logic of a statist approach to global justice, we have developed, according to the principle of freedom as non-domination, the normative orientations that a system of global justice intended to fight against global poverty. Above all, we started from the assumption that in the absence of a normative reform of political institutions at the level of poor countries and of a democratic reform of foreign policy in the rich countries â in the absence of justice at these two domestic levels â the effectiveness of the global justice thought as non-domination will be compromised. The idea is to show that the normative reform of the international system is in many respects based on the normative reform of national political institutions
L'interdiction du mensonge chez Kant
Ce mĂ©moire est consacrĂ© Ă lâanalyse du mensonge chez Kant. Or, comme la MĂ©taphysique des moeurs est subdivisĂ©e en deux volets, le premier portant sur le droit et le second sur la moralitĂ© proprement dite, nous nous sommes proposĂ© dâenvisager le mensonge selon ces deux points de vue, en commençant par le second.
En nous appuyant sur les textes de Kant qui envisagent le mensonge comme faute morale, les Leçons dâĂ©thique, la Fondation de la MĂ©taphysique des Moeurs, la Doctrine de la Vertu, nous montrons que Kant condamne moralement le mensonge parce quâen lui-mĂȘme, le mensonge constitue la plus grave violation du devoir de lâhomme envers lui-mĂȘme : la sincĂ©ritĂ©. Lâhomme qui nâest pas sincĂšre, câest-Ă -dire qui dit dĂ©libĂ©rĂ©ment le contraire de ce quâil pense non seulement va Ă lâencontre de la finalitĂ© inhĂ©rente Ă la communication, mais aussi, par le mensonge, lâhomme renonce Ă sa personnalitĂ©. En renonçant ainsi Ă sa personnalitĂ©, lâhomme cesse dâĂȘtre un homme vĂ©ritable, câest-Ă -dire celui en qui la pensĂ©e et le dit coĂŻncident, il devient un semblant dâhomme, câest-Ă -dire celui qui dĂ©libĂ©rĂ©ment dit le contraire de ce quâil pense.
En sâappuyant sur le texte de Kant qui envisage le mensonge au point de vue du droit, Dâun prĂ©tendu droit de mentir par humanitĂ©, nous avons mis en Ă©vidence que lâargument central de Kant est de montrer que toute tentative de tolĂ©rer un droit de mentir rendrait la sociĂ©tĂ© impossible. Câest quâun droit de mentir condamnerait Ă jamais lâhumanitĂ© Ă lâĂ©tat de nature, parce que la confiance quâexige le contrat originel qui marque lâentrĂ©e dans lâĂ©tat de droit nâaurait plus aucun sens. De mĂȘme, un droit de mentir ruinerait tous les contrats, qui reposent, pour leur effectivitĂ©, sur la confiance. Au fond, un droit de mentir est contraire mĂȘme au droit. Nous avons montrĂ© en conclusion de mĂ©moire en quoi la position de Kant restait encore, de nos jours, actuelle.
Une grande partie de ce mĂ©moire a Ă©tĂ© rĂ©servĂ©e au texte polĂ©mique de 1796 Dâun prĂ©tendu droit de mentir par humanitĂ©. Ayant montrĂ© en quoi consiste la position de Kant, contrairement Ă celle de Constant, nous avons analysĂ© les nombreux commentaires qui ont Ă©tĂ© consacrĂ©s Ă ce texte polĂ©mique, qui opposa Kant et Benjamin Consstant, afin de montrer que lâinterprĂ©tation de la position de Kant sur le mensonge varie selon quâon revendique exclusivement sa philosophie morale ou sa philosophie du droit.This essay is dedicated to the analysis of Kantâs thought on the notion of lying. As the MĂ©taphysique des moeurs is divided in two parts, the first dealing with the second on morality, the essay treats the lie through these two angles.
Based on Kantâs texts discussing the lie as a moral fault, i.e. the Leçons dâĂ©thique, the Fondation de la MĂ©taphysique des Moeurs and the Doctrine de la Vertu, one can note that Kant morally condemns lying mainly because it constitutes, in itself, the most serious violation of the humanâs duty towards himself: sincerity. The individual who is not sincere, that is to say who deliberately says the opposite of what he thinks, not only goes against the inherent purpose of communication but also abandons his personality. In so doing, the human ceases to be a real human, that is to say where his thought and saying coincides, and becomes a semblance of human, namely someone who deliberately says the opposite of what he thinks.
Referring to Kantâs treatment of lying from a legal point of view, i.e. Dâun prĂ©tendu droit de mentir par humanitĂ©, one sees the idea that any attempt to tolerate a right to lie would make society impossible. Indeed, a right to lie would forever condemn humanity to a state of nature in that the confidence that is required in the original contract, marking the transition to a rule of law, would loss its meaning. In addition, a right to lie would ruin all contracts that rest, for their efficiency, on confidence. In other words, a right to lie is also contrary to law. The essay ends by showing how Kantâs position still holds meaning in the present world.
A major part of this essay focuses on the controversial text of 1796, entitled Dâun prĂ©tendu droit de mentir par humanitĂ©. While having shown of what consists Kantâs position, contrary to that of Constant, we analyzed many commentaries which were devoted to this polemical text, opposing Kant and Benjamin Constant, in order to show that the interpretation of the position of Kant on lying varies according to whether his moral philosophy or his philosophy of the right is exclusively mobilized
The importance of being scientifically cautious when criticizing the administration of vaccines: "Retracted"' post truth
The sociologist Robert Merton postulated that science is a concept used in order to denote the set of methods used to verify the truth of knowledge. Science is to go beyond empiricism, and try to make real hypothetical concepts (or check their shortcomings). In this line, Pierre Louis introduced the numerical method to achieve scientific âverificationâ of the medical practice â âAs to different methods of treatment, it is possible for us to assure ourselves of the superiority of one or other [. . . ] by enquiring if under these circumstances, a greater number of individuals have been cured by one means than another. Here again it is necessary to count. And it is, in great part at least, because hitherto this method has been not at all, or rarely been employed, that the science of therapeutics is so uncertainâ [1]. The principal objective pursued through this method was to avoid treatments whose efficacies were not really proven...Fil: Barry, Amadou. University of Bamako; MalĂFil: Bottasso, Oscar Adelmo. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones CientĂficas y TĂ©cnicas. Centro CientĂfico TecnolĂłgico Conicet - Rosario. Instituto de InmunologĂa Clinica y Experimental de Rosario. Universidad Nacional de Rosario. Facultad de Ciencias MĂ©dicas. Instituto de InmunologĂa Clinica y Experimental de Rosario; ArgentinaFil: Vicco, Miguel HernĂĄn. Universidad Nacional del Litoral; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones CientĂficas y TĂ©cnicas; Argentin
Les violences collectives en Afrique
ThÚse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothÚques de l'Université de Montréal
Indonesia Leader Forum, post-truth and political interests in social media and television
This paper aims to how Indonesian Leaders Forum (ILF) as a new talkshow program in Indonesia effort to increasing political interest of citizens. This research uses descriptive qualitative method with a case study of the ILF Program. By using descriptive method, the author can explain the background of the incident, some perspective on the event and analyze in depth. So the ILF can answer the public's concerns about the political situation in Indonesia today conclusion contains the main points of the article
Session 1-3-E: Hitting the sweet spot: Lottery promotion and vulnerability
Literature about lottery marketing and vulnerability
Lottery advertising in Quebec
Project phases
Results
Conclusio
Ownership Structure and Bank Efficiency in Six Asian Countries
International audienceThis paper focuses on efficiency measures of banks from six countries in Southeast and East Asia. We use a two-stage approach to study the post-crisis period 1999-2004. We first estimate technical efficiencies using Data Envelopment Analysis and test for cross-country differences. Efficiency scores are relatively high for South Korea and relatively low for the Philippines. We then investigate the link between ownership structure and efficiency controlling for various factors such as size, risk and the economic environment. We find that efficiency scores are higher for banks which are held by minority private shareholders and banks that are foreign-owned
Ownership Structure and Bank Efficiency in the asia pacific region
This paper focuses on efficiency measures of banks from six countries in Southeast and East Asia. We use a two-stage approach to study the post-crisis period 1999-2004. We first estimate technical efficiencies using Data Envelopment Analysis and test for cross-country differences. Efficiency scores are relatively high for South Korea and relatively low for the Philippines. We then investigate the link between ownership structure and efficiency controlling for various factors such as size, risk and the economic environment. We find that efficiency scores are higher for banks which are held by minority private shareholders and banks that are foreign-owned
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