169 research outputs found
The Transformative Power of Europe Reloaded - The Limits of External Europeanization
With the borders of the European Union (EU) moved eastwards, students of Europeanization have been awarded yet another real-world experiment. This paper explores to what extent existing Europeanization approaches travel beyond the EUâs border to its South Eastern and Eastern neighbours, which are marked by bad governance with regard to both the effectiveness and democratic legitimacy of their domestic institutions. The first part outlines key insights of the literature on Europeanization West regarding the outcomes and the mechanism of the domestic impact of the EU. Then, I summarize the main findings of research on Europeanization East focusing on factors that have limited or at least qualified the domestic impact of the EU in the ten Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) countries in comparison to the EU 15 (those that were members before the 2004 enlargement). This paper discusses to what extent the concepts and causal mechanisms need even further qualification when applied to countries, such as the European Neighbourhood Countries (ENC), that are neither willing nor necessarily capable of adapting to Europe and that do not even have the incentive of EU membership to cope with the costs. I will argue that the EU is unlikely to deploy any transformative power in its neighbourhood as long as it does not adjust its accession tool box to countries the EU does not want to take on as members. The paper concludes with some considerations on the policy implications of the EUâs approach of move closer but donât touch which has started to creep into its relations with the Western Balkans and Turkey.EU-South-Eastern Europe; EU-South-Eastern Europe; governance; democracy; Europeanization; Europeanization
Comparative Regionalism - A New Research Agenda
After the end of the Cold War, students of International Relations observed an expansion of inter-state activities at the regional level. Regional and sub-regional groupings appeared to gain momentum as the way in which countries cooperate and should cooperate to pursue peace, stability, wealth and social justice. The surge and resurgence of regionalism has triggered the proliferation of concepts and approaches. The focus of this paper will be on processes and structures of state-led regionalism driven by the delegation of policies and political authority to regional institutions. Based on this understanding of regionalism, the existing literature will be reviewed with regard to three general questions. These questions do not only require research across regions but also allow developing a common research agenda to accumulate knowledge generated about specific regions. First, what are the outcomes of regionalism? How can we describe and compare the results of the delegation of policies and political authority? Second, what are the drivers of regionalism? Why do some governments choose to delegate policies and political authority while others do not? Finally, what are the internal effects of regionalism? How does the delegation of policies and political authority impact back on the domestic structures of the states involved?regional development; Europeanization; Europeanization
When Europeanization Hits Limited Statehood. The Western Balkans as a Test Case for the Transformative Power of Europe
The EU seeks to transform the domestic structures of the Western Balkan countries in order to foster peace, stability and prosperity in the region ridden by war and ethnic conflict. Unlike in case of the Mediterranean and Newly Independent States, the EU has even offered its South Eastern European neighbors a membership perspective. Whether the golden carrot is big enough, however, to draw the Western Balkans closer to Europe, is still an open question. Croatia has made sufficient progress to successfully conclude accession negotiations in the years to come. The EU rewarded domestic reforms in Macedonia and Montenegro with granting them candidate status, which Serbia is likely to receive in the near future. Albania, by contrast, appears to be more reluctant to engage in the changes necessary to get even with Macedonia and Montenegro. Bosnia Herzegovina and Kosovo, finally, are seriously lagging behind and have not even applied for membership. Can Europeanization approaches account for the differential impact of the EU in the Western Balkans? The paper argues that problems of limited statehood have seriously curbed the transformative power of the EU in the Western Balkans - despite their membership perspective. Not only has the EU exerted less pressure for adaptation on Western Balkan governments. Weak state capacities and ethnic conflicts have reduced both their willingness and capacity to implement the acquis communautaire. Given its lack of experience in state building, the EU is ill-equipped to address these problems. This results in a serious dilemma. On the one hand, the EU has offered the Western Balkans a membership perspective to stabilize the region and overcome problems caused by weak and contested statehood. On the other hand, it is the limited statehood of Western Balkan countries, which undermines their compliance with EU norms and rules.EU-South-Eastern Europe; EU-South-Eastern Europe; Europeanization; Europeanization
Identity politics, core State powers and regional Integration: Europe and beyond
This article concentrates on the path from the development of collective identities to the integration of core state powers. Firstly, we focus on the European experience. We argue that the identities of political, economic, and social elites have been crucial for the evolution of European integration. With regard to mass public opinion, European integration has been made possible by a consensus of EU citizens with inclusive national identities. Most recently, the politicization of EU affairs in many member states has been driven by populist forces mobilizing minorities with exclusive nationalist identities. Secondly, we discuss the extent to which insights from Europe have travelled to other regions of the world. Elites involved in regionâbuilding almost always develop identity narratives linking their national experience to the respective regions. Moreover, there is evidence that the difference between inclusive and exclusive nationalist identifications has also travelled beyond Europe
the Western Balkans as a test case for the Transformative Power of Europe
1\. Introduction 2\. Hitting its Borders: The Domestic Impact of Europe on the
Western Balkans 2.1 What Does it Take? Factors Mediating the Transformative
Power of Europe 2.2 Limited Statehood and the Western Balkans: The Missing
Link 2.3 Statehood and Progress towards EU Accession 2.4 The EU as a State-
Builder? 3\. Conclusions LiteratureThe EU seeks to transform the domestic structures of the Western Balkan
countries in order to foster peace, stability and prosperity in the region
ridden by war and ethnic conflict. Unlike in case of the Mediterranean and
Newly Independent States, the EU has even offered its South Eastern European
neighbors a membership perspective. Whether the âgolden carrotâ is big enough,
however, to draw the Western Balkans closer to Europe, is still an open
question. Croatia has made sufficient progress to successfully conclude
accession negotiations in the years to come. The EU rewarded domestic reforms
in Macedonia and Montenegro with granting them candidate status, which Serbia
is likely to receive in the near future. Albania, by contrast, appears to be
more reluctant to engage in the changes necessary to get even with Macedonia
and Montenegro. Bosnia Herzegovina and Kosovo, finally, are seriously lagging
behind and have not even applied for membership. Can Europeanization
approaches account for the differential impact of the EU in the Western
Balkans? The paper argues that problems of limited statehood have seriously
curbed the transformative power of the EU in the Western Balkans - despite
their membership perspective. Not only has the EU exerted less pressure for
adaptation on Western Balkan governments. Weak state capacities and ethnic
conflicts have reduced both their willingness and capacity to implement the
acquis communautaire. Given its lack of experience in state building, the EU
is ill-equipped to address these problems. This results in a serious dilemma.
On the one hand, the EU has offered the Western Balkans a membership
perspective to stabilize the region and overcome problems caused by weak and
contested statehood. On the other hand, it is the limited statehood of Western
Balkan countries, which undermines their compliance with EU norms and rules
Regulatory Failure, Redistributive Conflict, and Euroskeptic Publics
This paper takes issue with the widely held view that Europe has failed to
govern the multiple crises it has been facing because of too little
integration. Rather than a lack of authority, a growing âcommitment-compliance
gapâ has exacerbated the regulatory deficits of EU governance in core areas of
the European integration project. The failure of the Member States to put into
practice the policies they agreed upon at the EU level has its cause in Euro-
nationalists dominating the politicization of EU policies and institutions.
They have been empowered by the way in which the Member States have sought to
solve the Euro crisis. The growing contestation of and opposition to the EU
and its policies per se is not the problem. Nor is it the return of
nationalism in Europe or the lack of a European public sphere. Instead of an
outright rejection of European integration, we see the mobilization of
illiberal, nationalist ideas of Europe, which are exclusionary, xenophobic,
and anti-Islam. This paper argues that Euro-nationalism undermines not only
the legitimacy but also the effectiveness of EU governance. It has been fueled
by the mix of Member State negotiation and competition in the shadow of
supranational hierarchy. This has worked for the EU as a regulatory state but
is not suitable for dealing with the redistributive issues that have come to
dominate important areas of European integration. In fact, simply extending
the EUâs governance mix from regulatory to redistributive policies is likely
to further undermine its effectiveness and legitimacy
false promises or flawed premises?
Governance with/out government has emerged as an alternative or functional
equivalent to government. While there seems to be an increasing demand, the
promise of governance to compensate for the weakness or failure of government
rests on a major premise. Governments have to be strong enough so that non-
governmental actors have an incentive to cooperate, and governments are not
afraid of being captured. If this premise held, it would result in a serious
dilemma for areas of limited statehood: The greater the demand for governance
with/out government, the less likely it is to emerge and to be effective,
precisely because government is weak. This paper explores to what extent
government and statehood are necessary to make governance with/out government
work. It discusses various options of how to commit non-governmental actors to
the provision of common goods without a shadow of hierarchy cast by government
and concludes with suggestions for future research on governance beyond
statehood.âGovernance with/out governmentâ wird hĂ€ufig als funktionales Ăquivalent zu
staatlichem Regieren gehandelt. Inwiefern nicht-hierarchische Formen des
Regierens Staatsversagen kompensieren können, scheint jedoch von einer
wesentlichen PrĂ€misse abzuhĂ€ngen. Regierungen mĂŒssen stark genug sein, um
Kooperationsanreize fĂŒr nicht-staatliche Akteure zu erzeugen und gleichzeitig
nicht die Gefahr des âstate captureâ zu fĂŒrchten. Wenn dies zutrifft, ergibt
sich daraus ein ernsthaftes Governance Dilemma fĂŒr RĂ€ume begrenzter
Staatlichkeit. Je gröĂer die Nachfrage nach âgovernance with/out governmentâ
desto weniger wahrscheinlich ist es, dass nicht-hierarchische Formen des
Regierens sich herausbilden und effektiv sind, gerade weil staatliches
Regieren schwach ist. Das Papier untersucht, inwiefern staatliches Regieren
und Staatlichkeit notwendige Bedingungen fĂŒr die EffektivitĂ€t von âgovernance
with/out governmentâ sind. Welche Möglichkeiten gibt es auĂer dem durch
intakte Staatlichkeit erzeugten Schatten der Hierarchie, um nicht-staatliche
Akteure zu veranlassen, sich an der Bereitstellung von Governance-Leistungen
zu beteiligen
How the European Union interacts with its member states
'Das Papier diskutiert Konzepte und Theorien, mit deren Hilfe sich die Beziehung zwischen der EuropĂ€ischen Union und ihren Mitgliedstaaten untersuchen lĂ€sst. Im Mittelpunkt steht die Frage, inwieweit die EuropĂ€ische Union die politischen Institutionen, Prozesse und Politikinhalte auf der nationalen Ebene verĂ€ndert hat. WĂ€hrend sich die Literatur mittlerweile weitgehend einig ist, dass die innerstaatliche Wirkung der EuropĂ€isierung erheblich variieren kann, gibt es immer noch keinen Konsens, wie sich solche Varianzen am besten erklĂ€ren lassen. Auch die Versuche der Mitgliedsstaaten, auf die durch die EuropĂ€isierung induzierten VerĂ€nderungen im EU-Entscheidungsprozess zu reagieren, haben bisher nur wenig Beachtung gefunden. Das Papier schlieĂt deshalb mit einigen Ăberlegungen, wie sich solche 'RĂŒckkopplungseffekte' konzeptionell fassen lassen.' (Autorenreferat)'The paper seeks to identify concepts and theories to analyze and explain the relationship between the member states and the European Union. It mainly adopts a top-down perspective looking at how the European Union has affected the member states and to what extent it has changed their domestic institutions, policies and political processes. What is the effect of the European Union on the member states? The paper reviews the existing literature, which offers different insights on each of the three questions. While by now most students of the European Union agree that its effect on the member states is differential, there is still little consensus on how to account for variation in the processes, degrees and the outcomes of domestic change. Nor has the literature paid much attention to how the member states have responded to the increasing effect of the European Union on their domestic institutions, policies and political processes. The paper therefore concludes with some considerations on how to conceptualize the feedback loops between 'top-down' and 'bottom-up' dynamics in the relationship between the EU and its member states.' (author's abstract
How much statehood does it take â and what for?
This paper explores how much statehood it takes to make governance with/out
the state work. The first part discusses the relationship between governance,
state, and statehood. The distinction between governance as structure and
governance as process allows us to disentangle state and statehood. The second
part of the paper explores the different functions statehood has for
governance. While there may be functional equivalents to the shadow of
hierarchy, there is more to statehood than the threat of hierarchically
imposed regulation. Effective and legitimate governance may require at least
some (external) form of consolidated statehood. The final part of the paper
discusses varieties of statehood, arguing that the challenge for areas of
limited statehood is not the lack of exclusivity of statehood but the need for
an order of shared and divided statehood. The paper concludes by considering
the dark sides of statehood, cautioning against building states without
strengthening the rule of law and democracy.Das Papier diskutiert, wie viel Staatlichkeit es braucht, damit Governance mit
sowie ohne Staat funktionieren kann. Im ersten Teil wird der Zusammenhang
zwischen Governance, Staat und Staatlichkeit thematisiert. Der zweite Teil des
Papiers untersucht die unterschiedlichen Funktionen von Staatlichkeit fĂŒr
Governance. WĂ€hrend es durchaus funktionale Ăquivalente zum Schatten der
Hierarchie gibt, besteht Staatlichkeit aus mehr als der FĂ€higkeit, einseitig
kollektiv verbindliche Regelungen zu festzulegen und durchzusetzen. Effektives
und legitimes Regieren verlangt deshalb zumindest eine (externe) Form von
konsolidierter Staatlichkeit. Im letzten Teil werden unterschiedliche Formen
von Staatlichkeit vorgestellt. Dabei wird klar, dass die Herausforderung fĂŒr
RÀume begrenzter Staatlichkeit nicht im Mangel an ExklusivitÀt, sondern im
Bedarf an einer Ordnung fĂŒr geteilte Staatlichkeit besteht. Das Papier
schlieĂt mit einer Betrachtung der Schattenseiten von (ungebundener)
Staatlichkeit und warnt vor einem einseitigen âState-Buildingâ, das nicht
gleichzeitig Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit stÀrkt
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