La hegemonía estadounidense es lo que el presidente hace de ella: política exterior y multilateralismo durante las administraciones Obama

For over a decade now the United States has lived a paradox: the disparity between its material preponderance and its political influence. This situation entails an analytical puzzle: for the hegemonic power, it is more effective to socialize power than to monopolize it. I argue that the conception of power has been a key factor in the performance of the United States as an hegemonic country since the end of World War II, that resort to multilateralist or unilateralist policies on Washington’s part is better explained by such understanding than by its hegemony measured in exlusively material terms, and that the United States under the Obama administrations has returned to the multilateral practice largely abandoned by its predecessor.Desde hace ya más de una década Estados Unidos vive una paradoja: la disparidad entre su preponderancia material y su influencia política. Esta situación conlleva un puzzle analítico: para la potencia hegemónica es más efectivo socializar el poder que intentar monopolizarlo. Sostengo que la concepción del poder ha sido un factor clave en el desempeño de Estados Unidos como país hegemónico desde el fin del Segunda Guerra Mundial. Asimismo, el recurso al multilateralismo o al unilateralismo, por parte de Washington, se explica en mayor medida por dicho entendimiento que por su hegemonía medida en términos exclusivamente materiales, y que Estados Unidos bajo el gobierno de Obama regresó a la política multilateral abandonada por su antecesor

La evolución de la agenda de seguridad Mexico-Estados Unidos

I review the evolution of the U.S.-Mexico security agenda since the relationship between the two countries became fully normalized, taking the post-revolutionary state identity, Revolutionary Nationalism, as the key explanatory factor in the process. In the first section I elaborate on the construction of identity and its multifaceted meanings. The second looks at Mexico’s post-revolutionary identity as the bedrock of the country’s security relationship with its northern neighbour. In the following three I look at three cases: World War II, Communist Cuba, and drug trafficking. As Mexico’s identity as evolved, a sort of ‘security in parts’ in this North American dyad seems to be emerging.En este artículo paso revista a la evolución de la agenda de seguridad Mexico-Estados Unidos desde que la relación entre ambos países se normalizó completamente, tomando la identidad estatal post-revolucionaria,el Nacionalismo Revolucionario, como la variable explicativa clave el proceso. En la primera sección conjeturo acerca de la construcción de la identidad y sus múltiples significados. En la segunda, analizo la identidad estatal post-revolucionaria como la base sobre la cual se estableció la relación de seguridad con su vecino del norte. En las siguientes tres secciones me centro en tres casos: la Segunda Guerra Mundial, la Cuba Comunista, y el tráfico de estupefacientes. Conforme la identidad de Mexico ha evolucionado, una especie de «seguridad en partes» parece estar emergiendo en esta díada norteamericana

The Emergence of a Transnational Advocacy Network: International Election Monitoring in the Philippines, Chile, Nicaragua, and Mexico

In this paper I question the existence of a global civil society, suggesting that what we have witnessed in recent years is the emergence of myriad transnational advocacy networks (TANs). I illustrate this claim by looking at a recently novel area in world politics: the international monitoring of elections (IEM), a practice which I claim has partially redefined state sovereignty. This paper takes form as follows. In the first section I present a conceptual discussion on world civil society and TANS , and suggest an unexplored way in which emergent norms might be adopted internationally. In the next four sections I follow the evolution of the IEM TAN. Thus, the second section deals with the foundational 1986 Philippine case; the third section with the 1988 Chilean plebiscite; the fourth with the 1990 Nicaraguan elections, and the fifth with the 1994 Mexican electoral process. I conclude in the sixth section by evaluating the usefulness of the path of norm-diffusion, and by discussing how the practice of non-state actors has contributed to the redefinition of both state sovereignty and the international system

Out of the Blue: The Pacific Rim as a Region

In 1993, in advance of what was to be the first Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) leader’s summit, US president Bill Clinton gave a lecture at Waseda University in Japan. In his speech, Clinton called for the creation of a “community of the Pacific.” The idea of a Pacific community is neither Clinton’s nor the Democratic Party’s invention, however. In the previous decade Ronald Reagan had already used it, going even beyond later conceptualizations, by referring to the 21st century as the Pacific’s century. But Reagan's prophecy concerning the Great Ocean was not new back in the 1980s either. In 1900 then US Secretary of State John Hay wrote: “the Mediterranean is the ocean of the past, the Atlantic the ocean of the present and the Pacific is the ocean of the future.” In a more general manner, as Christopher Coker has observed, the notion of the “Century of the Pacific” is plausible because it is consistent with the idea, popularized by Hegel, that the spirit of civilization is moving toward that part of the globe. Thus, the century of the Pacific has become a kind of zeitgeist. In this paper I undertake a conceptual, historical, and theoretical journey through the “Pacific Rim” or “Asia-Pacific,” as it has been called more recently. Although I will question the utility of the term, I want to make clear that my purpose is only to undertake a critical survey of “the Pacific.” As in any trip, however, one needs a starting point. But, What is the starting point of the Pacific Rim, that geographic zone that has been compared to Pascal’s sphere: “with periphery indeterminable and a center that may be anywhere”

US Hegemony, Economic Statecraft, and the Political Economy of US Power

Economic statecraft rested at the core of the Trump administration’s foreign relations; it weaponized it and securitized it¾a departure from longstanding US practice. This article looks at the ups and downs of US hegemony in the last five decades, focusing on the US use of economic statecraft as a political power resource, with special reference to the case of Latin America. It is divided into four sections: the first focuses on economic statecraft as an academic field, making the case for what I call “thick” economic statecraft; the second reviews the political and power dimensions of US economic statecraft, whereas the third deals with the evolution, since the 1970s, of the paradigmatic instance of US economic statecraft: trade policy (broadly defined) in three distinct phases 1971-1989, 1990-2000, and 2001-2016. Finally, I summarize the argument and make some considerations about the implications Trump’s presidency might have for the Biden administration’s attempts to reinvigorate US hegemony.Economic statecraft rested at the core of the Trump administration’s foreign relations; it weaponized it and securitized it¾a departure from longstanding US practice. This article looks at the ups and downs of US hegemony in the last five decades, focusing on the US use of economic statecraft as a political power resource, with special reference to the case of Latin America. It is divided into four sections: the first focuses on economic statecraft as an academic field, making the case for what I call “thick” economic statecraft; the second reviews the political and power dimensions of US economic statecraft, whereas the third deals with the evolution, since the 1970s, of the paradigmatic instance of US economic statecraft: trade policy (broadly defined) in three distinct phases 1971-1989, 1990-2000, and 2001-2016. Finally, I summarize the argument and make some considerations about the implications Trump’s presidency might have for the Biden administration’s attempts to reinvigorate US hegemony

Prevalencia estacionaria de sobrepeso y obesidad en universitarios del sur de Veracruz, México

Objetivo: Determinar la prevalencia de sobrepeso y obesidad al ingreso a la universidad y su relación con factores sociodemográficos en estudiantes. Material y métodos: El estudio incluyó a 5 071 estudiantes a los que se realizó antropometría, se determinó colesterol total y se les solicitó información sociodemográfica. Los grupos de estudiantes se muestrearon al comienzo del año escolar a partir de 2001 y hasta 2005. Resultados: La ocurrencia de sobrepeso y obesidad fue de 21.3% y 8.3% respectivamente. No hubo diferencias entre las prevalencias anuales o quinquenal. Doce por ciento presentó hipercolesterolemia. Ser varón, urbano e hipercolesterolémico se vinculó significativamente con sobrepeso y obesidad (p < 0.001). Conclusiones: La prevalencia de sobrepeso y obesidad se ha mantenido, lo que difiere de lo informado a nivel internacional y el factor sociodemográfico que más se asoció a la obesidad, fue el de vivir en la ciudad y ser hombre

Cuna multifuncional

, funcional, , espacio, eco-amigable, bebé, apartamento, muebles para bebés, cuna, . Multifunctional crib, functional, , space, eco-friendly, baby, , baby furniture, crib, .Varias familias recién conformadas con la llegada de un primer hijo tienen como primera toma de decisión optimizar el espacio del cuarto del bebé frente a la presencia de apartamentos con áreas cada vez más reducidas. Dentro de esta toma de decisión identificamos como problema común la decisión de compra sobre los muebles para el cuarto del bebé, lo que buscan es en lo posible optimizar el espacio reducido que tienen en el cuarto y junto con ello revisan el costo y beneficio que le genera principalmente la compra de la cuna para el bebé. El objetivo de este negocio es ofrecer un producto que ayude a las familias a solucionar el problema del espacio reducido del cuarto del bebé en un apartamento, donde no solo podrá optimar espacio con nuestro producto, sino que también ahorrará el gasto a futuro que suele generar cuando se realiza el cambio de una cuna por una cama, dado que nuestro producto aparte de ser una cuna multifuncional, también se convierte en 5 piezas funcionales (cama de una plaza, una cómoda, un velador, una repisa y escritorio), ayudando de esta forma a la optimización de espacio y también a la economía del núcleo familiar. Finalmente, otro objetivo de nuestro producto es contribuir a la protección del medio ambiente, por lo que utilizamos como principal material la melanina, el cual está hecho de material eco-amigable.Several newly-formed families with the coming of a first child have as their first decision to optimize the space of the baby's room in front of the presence of apartments with increasingly small areas. Within this decision-making, we identify as a common problem the purchase decision on the furniture for the baby's room, what they are looking for is to optimize the reduced space they have in the room, and together with this they review the cost and benefit that It mainly generates the purchase of the crib for the baby. The objective of this business is to offer a product that helps families solve the problem of reduced space in the baby's room in an apartment, where you will not only be able to optimize space with our product, but will also save the future expenses that it usually generates when changing a crib for a bed, since our product, apart from being a multifunctional crib, also becomes 5 functional pieces (single bed, chest of drawers, nightstand, shelf and desk), helping to this way to the optimization of space and also to the economy of the family nucleus. Finally, another objective of our product is to contribute to the protection of the environment, which is why we use melanin as the main material, which is made of eco-friendly material.Trabajo de investigació

Producci?n y exportaci?n de lim?n Fino 49 cultivado en Huaura (Regi?n Lima) : plan de internacionalizaci?n para la empresa Agropecuaria San Ram?n

El lim?n amarillo (Citrus lim?n) es un producto inel?stico que se comercializa en todo el mundo, centrando su consumo en el Hemisferio Norte en forma de fruta fresca e industrializada, la comercializaci?n del Lim?n fino 49 en fresco hacia Europa por ASR Trading, brazo comercial de ASR Agr?cola se centrar? en la ventana comercial de Julio a Setiembre, teniendo como driver operativo, el manejo agr?cola, las operaciones log?sticas t?cticas y comercializaciones directas en la entrega de un tipo de lim?n amarillo Premium que cumpla las caracter?sticas organol?pticas requeridas por Alemania como mercado objetivo por la tasa de consumo de limones en los ?ltimos a?os, mejores precios, estabilidad econ?mico, pol?tica y comercial, ofertando a precios por encima del 80% de la temporada de invierno debido a la nula oferta de Espa?a, su principal abastecedor y la poca oferta de los pa?ses del Hemisferio Sur, principalmente Sud?frica y Chile, que aprovechan estos meses para posicionar su fruta. La oferta de limones amarillo por parte de Per? tendr? como gu?a la cadena agroexportadora de lima Tah?ti, reconociendo los factores claves de ?xito, cuellos de botella y los paradigmas claves para generar valor y posicionarse con un producto nuevo en la canasta agroexportadora peruana