Issue politicization and social class : how the electoral supply activates class divides in political preferences

Altres ajuts: Acord transformatiu CRUE-CSICAgainst premature claims about the declining political relevance of social class in post-industrial democracies, recent research indicates that class continues to be a relevant determinant of political preferences. In post-industrial societies 'old' class divides on economic issues coexist with 'new' class alignments on cultural topics. While there is cumulated evidence of social classes' distinct placement on these issues, this paper argues that the strength of class divides depends on the extent to which these issues are politicized by political parties. Studying preferences on economic and cultural issues (attitudes towards redistribution, immigration, gay rights and European integration), this study shows that class divides in preferences are context dependent. The multilevel analyses drawing on data from the European Social Survey and the Chapel Hill Expert Survey for 27 European democracies demonstrate that classes' differences in preferences are accentuated on issues strongly contested and emphasized by parties, and mitigated on issues where party conflict is weaker. Adding to recent literature on parties and class conflict, this study identifies another stage at which parties can affect the strength of class voting. The varying strength of class divides across contexts also has implications for parties' ability to garner support beyond a single class. This becomes increasingly unlikely in contexts of high issue politicization

The corrosive effect of corruption on trust in politicians: Evidence from a natural experiment

Empirical studies do not provide a univocal answer about the effects of corruption on political attitudes and behaviour. Focusing on the relationship between corruption and political trust, in this article we explore whether real-world corruption scandals have a negative causal effect on trust in politicians; whether the impact of scandals decays over time; and whether corruption scandals have a weaker impact among the supporters of the party involved in the scandal. We address these questions through a natural experiment generated by the coincidence of the uncovering of a corruption scandal in Spain (the Bárcenas scandal) and the fieldwork of the European Social Survey. Given that the day at which survey interviews were conducted is as-if random, the uncovering of the scandal represents a unique opportunity to assess the causal effect of corruption on individuals' trust in politicians. The results indicate that: (i) the corruption scandal had a substantial negative effect on trust in politicians; (ii) the effect of the scandal was stronger in the days following its disclosure; (iii) the effect of the scandal was independent from individuals' partisan preferences

Class and Social Policy Representation

Recent studies of representation in advanced democratic systems have emphasized that class preference profiles toward social policies diverge between different logics and fields of social policy. We leverage newly collected data on voters’ social policy priorities, as well as their perception of parties’ priorities on these same policies, to empirically study social policy representation across these different fields. We show that class biases in perceived social policy representation persist in all areas of social policy; in particular, citizens in lower social classes perceive political parties to deviate from their preferences by not supporting pension and unemployment spending enough, as well as by putting more emphasis than they do on the expansion of education and of benefits supporting immigrants. In a second step, we test whether the presence of strong radical left and/or radical right challenger parties improves perceived social policy representation for citizens in lower social classes. We find some evidence for a mitigating effect of challenger – especially radical left – parties, but basic patterns of class-biased representation persist throughout

Education as the (not so) great equalizer : new evidence based on a parental fixed effect analysis for Spain

We investigate whether coming from a higher socio-economic background is associated with greater labour market success, net of own achieved education. We replicate previous analyses on the direct effect of social origin, net of education, for Spain using a more recent and larger dataset that consists of the merged monthly barometer surveys by the Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas. Compared to previous studies, we use a more refined classification for the respondent’s education and perform a novel parental occupation fixed effect analysis that allow us to identify the specific parental occupations in which the strongest direct intergenerational transmission of socio-economic advantage occurs. We find that there is a substantial direct association between parental background and the respondent socio-economic status, income and household income, over and above the respondent’s level of education. This result provides additional evidence that questions the idea that education is the great equalizer. We also show that the strongest intergenerational direct transmission of socio-economic advantages occurs for respondents whose parents either exert power and influence in large organisations or are liberal professionals in law or university professors. In the appendix we provide the Stata syntax for recoding the CNO11 Spanish classification of occupations into an index of socio-economic status (ISEI) and into the EGP and Oesch class schemes

Intergenerational Social Mobility, Political Socialization and Support for the Left under Post-industrial Realignment.

This article investigates how class of origin and intergenerational social mobility impact left-wing party support among new and old core left-wing electorates in the context of post-industrial electoral realignment and occupational transformation. We investigate the remaining legacy of political socialization in class of origin across generations of voters in the UK, Germany and Switzerland. We demonstrate that part of the contemporary middle-class left-wing support is a legacy of socialization under industrial class-party alignments, as many individuals from working-class backgrounds - traditional left-wing constituencies - have a different (post-industrial) class location than their parents. These enduring effects of production worker roots are weaker among younger generations and in more realigned contexts. Our findings imply that exclusively considering respondents' destination class underestimates the relevance of political socialization in class of origin, thereby overestimating electoral realignment. However, these past industrial alignments are currently unparalleled, as newer left-wing constituencies do not (yet) demonstrate similar legacies

Cuerpo y simbolismo amerindio: diseño museográfico y docente de la colección complutense del Museo de Arqueología y Etnología de América (MAEA, Facultad de Geografía e Historia) referida al cuerpo humano

Depto. de Historia de América y Medieval y Ciencias HistoriográficasFac. de Geografía e HistoriaFALSEsubmitte

Signature-driven repurposing of Midostaurin for combination with MEK1/2 and KRASG12C inhibitors in lung cancer

Drug combinations are key to circumvent resistance mechanisms compromising response to single anti-cancer targeted therapies. The implementation of combinatorial approaches involving MEK1/2 or KRASG12C inhibitors in the context of KRAS-mutated lung cancers focuses fundamentally on targeting KRAS proximal activators or effectors. However, the antitumor effect is highly determined by compensatory mechanisms arising in defined cell types or tumor subgroups. A potential strategy to find drug combinations targeting a larger fraction of KRAS-mutated lung cancers may capitalize on the common, distal gene expression output elicited by oncogenic KRAS. By integrating a signature-driven drug repurposing approach with a pairwise pharmacological screen, here we show synergistic drug combinations consisting of multi-tyrosine kinase PKC inhibitors together with MEK1/2 or KRASG12C inhibitors. Such combinations elicit a cytotoxic response in both in vitro and in vivo models, which in part involves inhibition of the PKC inhibitor target AURKB. Proteome profiling links dysregulation of MYC expression to the effect of both PKC inhibitor-based drug combinations. Furthermore, MYC overexpression appears as a resistance mechanism to MEK1/2 and KRASG12C inhibitors. Our study provides a rational framework for selecting drugs entering combinatorial strategies and unveils MEK1/2- and KRASG12C-based therapies for lung cancer.M.R. was supported by a fellowship from MICIU (FPU15/00173), R.E. by a donation from Mauge Burgos de la Iglesia’s family. The Proteomics Platforms of Navarrabiomed led by E.S. and J.F.-I. is a member of Proteored, PRB3 and is supported by grant PT17/0019 of the PE I + D + i 2013–2016, funded by ISCIII and ERDF. E.J.-L. was supported by Foundation of Spanish Association Against Cancer (PROYE18012ROSE), by Centro de Investigación Biomédica en Red (CIBERONC; CB16-12-00350), and by Generalitat Valenciana (AICO/2021/333). F.L. was funded by the Gobierno de Navarra (Ref. 34/2021), the Cancer Research Thematic Network of the Instituto de Salud Carlos III (RTICC RD12/0036/0066), PID2021-122638OB-I00 MCIN/AEI/10.13039/501100011033/ FEDER, UE and by FEDER “Una manera de hacer Europa”. I.F. was funded by FIS PI19/00320 and by the Miguel Servet Program CP21/00052. S.V. was supported by Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades, Convocatoria 2019 para incentivar la Incorporación Estable de Doctores (IED2019-001007-I), by FEDER /Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades - Agencia Estatal de Investigación (SAF2017-89944-R and PID2020‐116344‐RB‐100/MCIN/AEI/10.13039/501100011033, by a Leonardo Grant for Researchers and Cultural Creators 2018 from BBVA Foundation, by a seed grant at the I Convocatoria Proyectos Prueba de Concepto from PRB3-Proteored (Institute of Health Carlos III-ISCIII), by Fundació La Marató de TV3 (474/C/2019), and by Foundation of Spanish Association Against Cancer - Strategic Projects 2020 (PROYE20029VICE). M.P.-S. and S.V. were also funded by Fundación Alberto Palatchi. None of the funding sources were involved in the decision to submit the article for publication.Peer reviewe

The corrosive effect of corruption on trust in politicians: evidence from a natural experiment

Empirical studies do not provide a univocal answer about the effects of corruption on political attitudes and behaviour. Focusing on the relationship between corruption and political trust, in this article we explore whether real-world corruption scandals have a negative causal effect on trust in politicians; whether the impact of scandals decays over time; and whether corruption scandals have a weaker impact among the supporters of the party involved in the scandal. We address these questions through a natural experiment generated by the coincidence of the uncovering of a corruption scandal in Spain (the Bárcenas scandal) and the fieldwork of the European Social Survey. Given that the day at which survey interviews were conducted is as-if random, the uncovering of the scandal represents a unique opportunity to assess the causal effect of corruption on individuals’ trust in politicians. The results indicate that: (i) the corruption scandal had a substantial negative effect on trust in politicians; (ii) the effect of the scandal was stronger in the days following its disclosure; (iii) the effect of the scandal was independent from individuals’ partisan preferences

Changing classes, changing preferences: how social class mobility affects economic preferences

While many studies have identified an association between social class and economic preferences, we know little about the implications of changes in class location for these preferences. This article assesses how social class and intra-generational class mobility affect economic preferences drawing on longitudinal data from the British Household Panel Survey. In doing so, the article adopts a post-industrial perspective that considers horizontal and vertical class divisions. Even when time-invariant characteristics of individuals are kept constant (through fixed-effects estimation), it is found that both vertical and horizontal class location explain economic preferences. Thus, these estimations suggest that social class moulds preferences, even when accounting for factors that can lead to selection into classes. Moreover, people who change classes hold different economic preferences than their peers in the class of origin, but do not completely assimilate into their class of destination. This implies that growing intra-generational class mobility could undermine the class basis of political conflict

Changing classes, changing preferences: how social class mobility affects economic preferences

While many studies have identified an association between social class and economic preferences, we know little about the implications of changes in class location for these preferences. This article assesses how social class and intra-generational class mobility affect economic preferences drawing on longitudinal data from the British Household Panel Survey. In doing so, the article adopts a post-industrial perspective that considers horizontal and vertical class divisions. Even when time-invariant characteristics of individuals are kept constant (through fixed-effects estimation), it is found that both vertical and horizontal class location explain economic preferences. Thus, these estimations suggest that social class moulds preferences, even when accounting for factors that can lead to selection into classes. Moreover, people who change classes hold different economic preferences than their peers in the class of origin, but do not completely assimilate into their class of destination. This implies that growing intra-generational class mobility could undermine the class basis of political conflict