Leadership: What is it and how it is implicated in strategic change?

In this article, I focus on the role of leaders and how they affect social change. The importance of leadership, as a strategic process, will become evident from two points of view: those of leaders and followers. I highlight the importance of the latter because leadership theories are generally leader-focused and ignore central questions like "why do some individuals emerge as leaders and how they are attributed charisma?" "Why are some individuals influential as leaders whereas others are not?" "Why do followers trust some leaders more than they do others?" It is important that leaders understand how they are legitimized because as it will become evident, leaders must reflect the collective aspirations of their constituencies (followers)--whether these aspirations are follower or leader induced--in order to influence them toward a common ideal while instituting veritable social change. Leadership does not exist in a void. Therefore, looking at the leadership process from the eyes of followers will be addressed in various aspects of this article. Also based on a universalist-generalist perspective not tied to any particular domain (e.g., political, military, sport, educational, etc.), I will also focus on what leaders do, or more specifically what leaders should do, by reviewing what leadership is in terms of its antecedents and consequences. My review will be rooted in various competing but complementary research traditions that have dotted the historical landscape of leadership research, culminating in a brief analysis of the 2004 U.S. presidential race

Partizipation in der Gegenöffentlichkeit und an der Schnittstelle von virtuellen und realen Räumen ; Ein medienanalytischer Zugang

Die Aufstände in Tunesien stehen für den Auftakt der Umbrüche in der Arabischen Welt und entfachten gleichzeitig eine Diskussion um neue Aktivismusformen online. Das Arbeitspapier befasst sich mit der Frage, inwieweit die Nutzung Neuer Sozialer Medien, insbesondere Facebook und Twitter, die Aufstände vorbereitet und befördert haben. Mit Hilfe von Datenerhebungen im Netz, deren Erhebungszeitraum bereits Anfang Januar 2011 beginnt und qualitativen Interviews mit tunesischen Internet-AktivistInnen werden die Mobilisierungsdynamiken zwischen „Netz“ und „Straße“ bis zur Flucht des Präsidenten Ben Ali nachgezeichnet. Theoretisch-konzeptionell wird ein auf politische Kommunikationsformen erweiterter Partizipationsbegriff entwickelt und mit der Konstituierung von „Gegenöffentlichkeiten“, im Sinne von virtuellen Räumen, verknüpft, die im Kontext der Medienzensur und Repressionspolitik des Regimes Ben Ali als „gegenstaatlich“ definiert werden. Im Mittelpunkt der Analyse stehen dabei die AktivistInnen, die an der Schnittstelle von virtuellen und realen Räumen agieren und sich dabei unter anderem der Problematik der „Glaubwürdigkeit“ in der entkontextualisierten und von Zensur unterwanderten Internet-Kommunikation stellen müssen

The validity of the transformational, transactional, and laissez-faire leadership model as measured by the Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire (MLQ 5X)

The Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire (MLQ), the most used instrument for gauging Bass and Avolio\u27s full-range leadership model, underwent numerous revisions to answer criticisms about its construct validity. Since researchers found conflicting results regarding the number of factors that best constitute the model, this study examined whether the factor structure of the MLQ (5X) was consistent across a diverse array of samples. The total size of the samples was 6,525, integrated from 18 independent studies. Using confirmatory structural equation modeling techniques, results indicated that the factor structure was best represented by nine single-order factors, as asserted by Bass and Avolio. These results were prevalent when all samples were integrated for the factor structure invariance test, or when individual samples were grouped into homogenous units for strict factorial or factor structure invariance. Thus, the validity of the model was a function of sample conditions explaining why independent researchers who used nonhomogenous samples failed to confirm the nine-factor model. These conditions---interpretable as moderators that bounded the theoretical model---included various environmental and organizational settings, leader gender, and the hierarchical level of the leader. The criterion validity of the MLQ was also tested, but results should be viewed cautiously as the leadership and outcome measures were each collected from the same source. Nonetheless, the regression paths of the MLQ factors were interpretable, and followed theoretical propositions. Transformational and contingent reward leadership was positively related to performance, and passive-avoidant leadership negatively related. Management-by-exception active varied according to sample conditions. These findings imply that a standard set of leadership behaviors is not universally related to effectiveness, and that leaders operationalize their behaviors differently depending on contextual factors. As a consequence, the interfactor relationships of the MLQ, and the relationships of the factors to criterion measures may be a function of the conditions under which the model is examined. Therefore, testing the MLQ\u27s validity---and indeed that of other leadership instruments---should be performed under homogenous sample conditions. Finally, this dissertation suggests that the MLQ should be retained for future research and training. Possible improvements to the theory and measurement model are also discussed

Tunisia's legitimacy and constitutional crisis: the Troika has failed

In early July 2013 it looked as if Tunisia might be about to conclude an important first phase in the political transition, with its constituent assembly (Assemblée Nationale Constituante or ANC) preparing to vote on each of the articles in the latest draft of the constitution. Instead, the entire process is now threatened with failure. Since the Egyptian public mobilised against President Mohammed Morsi, leading opposition forces in Tunisia have been questioning the legitimacy of the constituent process. They say the current draft of the constitution is unacceptable, as the ANC's one-year mandate has long since expired. The assassination of opposition politician Mohamed Brahmi has not only caused the government, accused of being complicit in his death, to lose further credibility, it has also escalated the constitutional crisis. Since 25 July, 60 members of parliament have suspended their activity in the ANC. The government's efforts to remedy the situation have proved unsuccessful thus far: For now, the work of the ANC is suspended. (author's abstract

Leader distance: A review and a proposed theory

The concept of leader distance has been subsumed in a number of leadership theories; however, with few exceptions, leadership scholars have not expressly defined nor discussed leader distance, how distance is implicated in the legitimization of a leader, and how distance affects leader outcomes. We review available literature and demonstrate that integral to untangling the dynamics of the leadership influencing process is an understanding of leader-follower distance. We present distance in terms of three independent dimensions: leader-follower physical distance, perceived social distance, and perceived task interaction frequency. We discuss possible antecedents of leader-follower distance, including organizational and task characteristics, national culture, and leader/follower implicit motives. Finally, we use configural theory to present eight typologies (i.e., coexistence of a cluster or constellation of independent factors serving as a unit of analysis) of leader distance and propose an integrated cross-level model of leader distance, linking the distance typologies to leader outcomes at the individual and group levels of analysis