Food security and coping mechanisms in Kenya\u27s marginal areas: The case of West Pokot.

This study analyzes food security and coping mechanisms in semi-arid West Pokot between 1920–1995. Based on a wide array of primary and secondary sources, the study analyzes the historical role of indigenous irrigation, specifically furrow irrigation, rain-fed farming and livestock keeping, in food production and food security among the Pokot of northwest Kenya. Besides farming and herding, the study also analyzes trade, hunting and gathering, as well as lending and borrowing (for example of food) based on reciprocity, and their contribution to food security in the area. In the colonial and post-colonial West Pokot, income from wage labor and mining activities (mainly from small-scale gold panning in the area), although limited, has also been used by a number of Pokot households to purchase food and meet other necessities from time to time, especially during years of drought and famine. Thus as shown in this study, most Pokot have learned, over the years to rely not only on one, but multiple activities, all complementing each other to survive in a harsh environment. As detailed in this study, there was government intervention in crop production and irrigation (for example in maize growing and establishment of large-scale irrigation projects), livestock keeping, soil conservation and famine relief among other socio-economic activities in the study area. However, state intervention/investments, for example, in agricultural production, were too minimal to transform the Pokot economy. In fact, state intervention in the marketing of livestock products in the study area was mainly to raise state revenue rather than to boost the Pokot economy. Therefore, despite government intervention and minimal investments in the Pokot economy, household production in the area has been mainly for subsistence as opposed to commercial purposes. Moreover, from time to time, a number of Pokot households have had to rely on famine relief from the government/donor community during dry years. Yet, relief food to meet the needs of the Pokot, as well as other Kenyans, is short term solution that fails to deal with issues of long-term food insecurity. Instead, state intervention in the Pokot economy interfered with the Pokot coping mechanisms, and their contribution to food security in a harsh environment. Generally, environmental stress (aridity, crop and livestock diseases), border conflicts and cattle raids have hampered socio-economic development and the quest for food security in West Pokot district. At the same time, West Pokot being a dry area, low in potential, with a difficult terrain, has been marginalized since the colonial period, in terms of state investments compared to the country\u27s high potential areas—parts of Central, Rift Valley and Western provinces of Kenya. Thus, most areas of West Pokot district have continued to be isolated from the rest of the country, lag behind in socio-economic development, and thus the study area has yet to be incorporated effectively into Kenya\u27s political economy

“When a woman is pregnant, her grave is open”: health beliefs concerning dietary practices among pregnant Kalenjin women in rural Uasin Gishu County, Kenya

Reducing malnutrition remains a major global challenge especially in low- and middle-income countries. Lack of knowledge on the motive of nutritional behaviour could ultimately cripple nutrition intervention outcomes. The purpose of this study was to investigate how health beliefs influence nutritional behaviour intention of the pregnant Kalenjin women of rural Uasin Gishu County in Kenya. The study findings provide useful information for culturally congruent nutrition counselling and intervention

Implementation fidelity of nutritional counselling, iron and folic acid supplementation guidelines and associated challenges in rural Uasin Gishu County Kenya

Background: Implementation fidelity which is defined as the degree to which programmes are implemented as intended is one of the factors that affect programme outcome, thus requiring careful examination. This study aims to acquire insight into the degree to which nutritional counselling and Iron and Folic Acid supplementation (IFAs) policy guidelines during pregnancy have been implemented as intended and the challenges to implementation fidelity. Methods: Data were collected in rural Uasin Gishu County in the western part of Kenya through document analysis, questionnaires among intervention recipients (n = 188) and semi-structured interviews with programme implementers (n = 6). Data collection and analysis were guided by an implementation fidelity framework. We specifically evaluated adherence to intervention design (content, frequency, duration and coverage), exposure or dosage, quality of delivery and participant responsiveness. Results: Coverage of nutritional counselling and IFAs policy is widespread. However, partial provision was reported in all the intervention components. Only 10% accessed intervention within the first trimester as recommended by policy guidelines, only 28% reported receiving nutritional counselling, only 18 and 15% of the respondents received 90 or more iron and folic acid pills respectively during their entire pregnancy period, and 66% completed taking the IFAs pills that were issued to them. Late initial bookings to antenatal care, drug stock shortage, staff shortage and long queues, confusing dosage instructions, side effects of the pills and issuing of many pills at one go, were established to be the main challenges to effective implementation fidelity. Anticipated health consequences and emphasis by the health officer to comply with instructions were established to be motivations for adherence to nutritional counselling and IFAs guidelines. Conclusions: Implementation fidelity of nutritional counselling and IFAs policy in Kenya is generally weak. There is need for approaches to enhance early access to interventions, enhance stock availability, provide mitigation measures for the side effects, as well as intensify nutritional counselling to promote the consumption of micronutrient-rich food sources available in the local environment to substitute for the shortage of nutritional supplements and low compliance to IFAs

Food beliefs and practices among the Kalenjin pregnant women in rural Uasin Gishu County, Kenya

Background: Understanding food beliefs and practices is critical to the development of dietary recommendations, nutritional programmes, and educational messages. This study aimed to understand the pregnancy food beliefs and practices and the underlying reasons for these among the contemporary rural Kalenjin communities of Uasin Gishu County, Kenya. Methods: Through semi-structured interviews, data was collected from 154 pregnant and post-natal Kalenjin women about restricted and recommended foods, and why they are restricted or recommended during pregnancy. Respondents were purposively selected (based on diversity) from those attending Maternal and Child Health (MCH) care in 23 rural public health facilities. Key informant interviews (n = 9) with traditional Birth Attendants (TBA) who were also herbalists, community health workers, and nursing officers in charge of MCH were also conducted. Quantitative data was analysed using SPSS software. Data from respondents who gave consent to be tape recorded (n = 42) was transcribed and qualitatively analysed using MAXQDA software. Results: The restriction of animal organs specifically the tongue, heart, udder and male reproductive organs, meat and eggs, and the recommendation of traditional green vegetables and milk was reported by more than 60% of the respondents. Recommendation of fruits, traditional herbs, ugali (a dish made of maize flour, millet flour, or Sorghum flour, sometimes mixed with cassava flour), porridge and liver, and restriction of avocadoes and oily food were reported by more than 20% of the respondents. The reasons for observing these dietary precautions were mainly fears of: big foetuses, less blood, lack of strength during birth, miscarriages or stillbirths, and maternal deaths as well as child's colic and poor skin conditions after birth. Conclusion: Pregnancy food beliefs were widely known and practised mainly to protect the health of the mother and child, and ensuring successful pregnancy outcome. Given the deep-rooted nature of the beliefs, it is advisable that when nutritious foods are restricted, nutritional interventions should rather search for alternative sources of nutrition which are available and considered to be appropriate for pregnancy. On the other hand, nutritional advice that does not address these health concerns and assumptions that underlie successful pregnancy and delivery is unlikely to be effective

\u201cWhen a woman is pregnant, her grave is open\u201d: health beliefs concerning dietary practices among pregnant Kalenjin women in rural Uasin Gishu County, Kenya

Background: Reducing malnutrition remains a major global challenge especially in low- and middle-income countries. Lack of knowledge on the motive of nutritional behaviour could ultimately cripple nutrition intervention outcomes. The purpose of this study was to investigate how health beliefs influence nutritional behaviour intention of the pregnant Kalenjin women of rural Uasin Gishu County in Kenya. The study findings provide useful information for culturally congruent nutrition counselling and intervention. Methods: In this qualitative study semi-structured interviews were conducted with 42 pregnant and post-natal (with children less than one year) Kalenjin women in selected rural public health facilities of Uasin Gishu County Kenya. Furthermore, key informant interviews took place with 6 traditional birth attendants who were also pregnancy herbalists, two community health workers and one nursing officer in charge of Maternal and Child Health (MCH) for triangulation and provision of in-depth information. Content analysis of interview transcripts followed a grounded theory (Protection Motivation Theory) approach, using software MAXQDA version 12.1.3. Results: Abstracted labour (big babies and lack of maternal strength), haemorrhage (low blood), or having other diseases and complications (evil or bad food) were the major perceived health threats that influence nutritional behaviour intention of the pregnant Kalenjin women in rural Uasin Gishu County in Kenya. Conclusion: The pregnancy nutritional behaviour and practices of the Kalenjin women in rural Uasin Gishu County act as an adaptive response to the perceived health threats, which seem to be within the agency of pregnant women. As a result, just giving antenatal nutritional counselling without addressing these key health assumptions that underlie a successful pregnancy outcome is unlikely to lead to changes in nutritional behaviour

"I should have started earlier, but I was not feeling ill!" Perceptions of Kalenjin women on antenatal care and its implications on initial access and differentials in patterns of antenatal care utilization in rural Uasin Gishu County Kenya.

AIM:The aim of this study was to explore how Kalenjin women in rural Uasing Gishu County in Kenya perceive antenatal care and how their perceptions impede or motivate earlier access and continuous use of antenatal care services. METHODS:A study was conducted among 188 pregnant and post-natal mothers seeking care in 23 rural public health facilities. Gestational age at the initial antenatal care booking was established from their medical cards. Further researcher-administered questionnaire with closed and open-ended questions was used. Key informant interviews with traditional birth attendants (n = 6) and maternal and child health nursing officers (n = 6) were also conducted for triangulation. Descriptive statistics were applied using SPSS programme. The interviews of women who gave consent to be audio recorded (n = 52) were transcribed and thematically analysed using MAXQDA program, based on Andersen and Newman's (1973) behavioural model of health services utilization. RESULTS:The mean gestational age at booking initial biomedical care was 23.36 weeks. Only 18 patients (10%) booked before 13 weeks and 45% made four or more visits. The main reasons given for early booking were: illness in index pregnancy (42%) checking the foetus position and monitoring foetus progress (7%). The main reasons given for late booking were: no reason (31%), was not feeling sick (16%), fear or shame due to unexpected pregnancy (13%). Almost half of the respondents (44%) used both biomedical and traditional antenatal care services. Main reasons for visiting traditional care were to: check foetus position and reposition it (63%), collect medicinal herbs (31%), relief discomforts through massage (18%). CONCLUSION:Early antenatal care booking is meant for women with unpleasant physical signs and symptoms. Later ANC is meant to check foetus position and reposition it to cephalic presentation and monitor its progress and this is only possible if the foetus is large

Perceived causes of adverse pregnancy outcomes and remedies adopted by Kalenjin women in rural Kenya

Abstract Background There have been few studies about the basis on which women in developing regions evaluate and choose traditional rather than western maternal care. This qualitative study explores the socio-cultural perceptions of complications associated with pregnancy and childbirth and how these perceptions influence maternal health and care-seeking behaviours in Kenya. Methods Kalenjin women (n = 42) aged 18–45 years, who were pregnant or had given birth within the last 12 months, were interviewed. A semi-structured interview guide was used for data collection. A further nine key informant interviews with Traditional Birth Attendants (TBAs) who were also herbalists (n = 6), community health workers (CHWs) (n = 3) and a Maternal and Child Health (MCH) nursing officer (n = 1) were conducted. The data were analysed using MAXQDA12 software and categorised, thematised and analysed based on the symbolic dimensions of Helman’s (2000) ill-health causation aetiologies model. Results Pregnancy complications are perceived as the consequence of pregnant women not observing culturally restricted and recommended behaviour during pregnancy, including diet; physical activities; evil social relations and spirits of the dead. These complications are considered to be preventable by following a restricted and recommended diet, and avoiding heavy duties, funerals, killing of animals and eating meat of animal carcasses, as well as restricting geographical mobility, and use of herbal remedies to counter evil and prevent complications. Conclusion Delay in deciding to seek maternal care is a result of women’s failure to recognise symptoms and maternal health problems as potential hospital cases, and this failure stems from culturally informed perceptions of symptoms of maternal morbidity and pregnancy complications that differ significantly from biomedical interpretations. Some of the cultural maternal care and remedies adopted to prevent pregnancy complications, such as restriction of diet and social mobility, may pose risks to the pregnant woman’s health and access to health facilities whereas other remedies such as restricting consumption of meat from animal carcasses and heavy duties, as well as maintaining good social relations, are cultural adaptive mechanisms that indirectly control the transmission of disease and improve maternal health, and thus should not be considered to be exclusively folk or primitive

Food beliefs and practices among the Kalenjin pregnant women in rural Uasin Gishu County, Kenya

Background: Understanding food beliefs and practices is critical to the development of dietary recommendations, nutritional programmes, and educational messages. This study aimed to understand the pregnancy food beliefs and practices and the underlying reasons for these among the contemporary rural Kalenjin communities of Uasin Gishu County, Kenya. Methods: Through semi-structured interviews, data was collected from 154 pregnant and post-natal Kalenjin women about restricted and recommended foods, and why they are restricted or recommended during pregnancy. Respondents were purposively selected (based on diversity) from those attending Maternal and Child Health (MCH) care in 23 rural public health facilities. Key informant interviews (n = 9) with traditional Birth Attendants (TBA) who were also herbalists, community health workers, and nursing officers in charge of MCH were also conducted. Quantitative data was analysed using SPSS software. Data from respondents who gave consent to be tape recorded (n = 42) was transcribed and qualitatively analysed using MAXQDA software. Results: The restriction of animal organs specifically the tongue, heart, udder and male reproductive organs, meat and eggs, and the recommendation of traditional green vegetables and milk was reported by more than 60% of the respondents. Recommendation of fruits, traditional herbs, ugali (a dish made of maize flour, millet flour, or Sorghum flour, sometimes mixed with cassava flour), porridge and liver, and restriction of avocadoes and oily food were reported by more than 20% of the respondents. The reasons for observing these dietary precautions were mainly fears of: big foetuses, less blood, lack of strength during birth, miscarriages or stillbirths, and maternal deaths as well as child's colic and poor skin conditions after birth. Conclusion: Pregnancy food beliefs were widely known and practised mainly to protect the health of the mother and child, and ensuring successful pregnancy outcome. Given the deep-rooted nature of the beliefs, it is advisable that when nutritious foods are restricted, nutritional interventions should rather search for alternative sources of nutrition which are available and considered to be appropriate for pregnancy. On the other hand, nutritional advice that does not address these health concerns and assumptions that underlie successful pregnancy and delivery is unlikely to be effective