Awareness of Age-Related Changes Among Middle-Aged and Older Adults

Awareness of Age-Related Change (AARC) describes to what extent people become aware of changes which they attribute to getting older. So far little is known regarding how different AARC dimensions change over time, to what extent these changes in different domains of AARC gains and losses are interrelated, and which predictors account for inter-individual differences in within-person longitudinal trajectories. Specifically, the extent to which individuals perceive age-related gains and losses might be shaped by their chronological age, their personality as well as by their general views on aging (i.e., their age stereotypes). We investigated changes in global and domain-specific AARC gains and losses over about five years in a sample of originally N = 423 participants aged 40 to 98 years at baseline. We analyzed the role of personality traits and age stereotypes for levels and changes of AARC, taking into account participants' age at baseline and controlling for gender, education, and subjective health. Based on longitudinal multilevel regression models, we observed mean-level declines in most AARC gain domains. In contrast, perceived general AARC losses, as well as AARC losses in health and physical functioning, in cognitive functioning and in social-cognitive/socio-emotional functioning remained, on average, stable over time. Baseline scores on AARC gains (global scale) were higher among individuals with higher neuroticism, openness, conscientiousness and more positive age stereotypes. Additionally, the association of higher neuroticism with higher AARC gain scores was stronger among individuals with more positive age stereotypes. Higher neuroticism and more negative age stereotypes also predicted higher baseline scores on AARC losses (global scale). At the same time, higher neuroticism was associated with a steeper decrease in AARC loss perceptions over time. Most of the intercorrelations within the intercepts and within the intra-individual trajectories of the different AARC domains were positive, but small in size. Our findings show the importance of considering trajectories of age-related gains and losses in parallel and across multiple developmental domains when investigating the subjective perception of the aging process. They also suggest that personality traits and general age stereotypes are related with individual experiences of aging.Peer Reviewe

Views on Aging – Current Trends and Future Directions for Cross-Cultural Research

The investigation of what enables societies and individuals to age well remains one of the greatest challenges of our time. Views on aging are a decisive factor in this process, and thus, improving their understanding through cross-cultural research is of utmost importance. In the current review, we address the role of socio-ecological variables and cultural values and beliefs when investigating country differences in what people think about older persons and getting old themselves. Several complexities are introduced in terms of a differentiated conceptualization of views on aging that takes life domains and normative prescriptions into account, and also in terms of a differentiated and extended view on the factors through which societal and cultural aspects and views on aging mutually influence each other. We propose that an encompassing, lifespan framework on views on aging enhances our understanding of aging well in different cultural and societal contexts

SUBJECTIVE AGING: SOMETHING UNIQUE OR JUST ANOTHER EXPRESSION OF GENERAL SELF-BELIEFS?

Using data from the German Ageing Survey (adults aged 40‒85), this study tested the convergent and discriminant validity of subjective aging measures by comparing three different measures of subjective aging with one another and relating them to established measures of general self-beliefs (optimism, self-efficacy, subjective health) and subjective well-being (depression, affect). Correlations between subjective aging measures ranged from ‒.61 (amongst general self-perceptions of aging measures) to ‒.09, with subjective age being least related to the other measures. The highest overlap was observed between optimism and global self-perceptions of aging (.69) and it was for these global self-perceptions that the highest amount of variance could be explained by correlates in a regression analysis (R-square=.55). In contrast, only 10% of variance could be explained for subjective age. Our results underline the merit of taking the multidimensional nature of subjective aging into account since global measures appear less distinct from general personality traits

Current directions in views on ageing

publishe

Work context and personality development across adulthood

Bowen CE, Kornadt A. Work context and personality development across adulthood. In: Pachana NA, ed. Encyclopedia of Geropsychology, Section Work and Retirement in Later Life. In Press

Young people feel wise and older people feel energetic: Comparing age stereotypes and self-evaluations across adulthood

Bowen CE, Spuling SM, Kornadt A, Wiest M. Young people feel wise and older people feel energetic: Comparing age stereotypes and self-evaluations across adulthood. European Journal of Ageing. 2019.We use questionnaire data from the MIDUS study (N = 6325 and a subsample n = 2120) to examine the extent to which people in their late 20s, late 40s and late 60s think that positive characteristics apply to themselves, their age peers and other age groups. Results based on factor analysis confirmed the existence of age stereotypes, such that one constellation of characteristics (wise, caring, calm, knowledgeable, generative; “wise”) was seen as more descriptive of older adults, while another constellation of characteristics (energetic, healthy, willing to learn; “energetic”) was seen as more descriptive of younger adults. Self-evaluations were, however, highly positive and largely independent of age. As a group, younger adults saw themselves as being as “energetic” but “wiser” than their age peers, while older adults saw themselves as being more “energetic” but less “wise” than their age peers. In sum, the results suggest that self-views are relatively independent of existing age stereotypes but also indicate that the “better-than-average effect” depends on age and whether the considered characteristics represent a relative strength or weakness of one’s own age group. The results also indicate that, at the aggregate level, older adults’ tendency to use stereotypes about their age group’s weaknesses as a frame of reference for making flattering self-evaluations seems to outweigh the effects of stereotype internalization