Estimating the number of asbestos-related lung cancer deaths in Great Britain from 1980 to 2000.

INTRODUCTION: Inhalation of asbestos fibres is known to cause two main kinds of cancer-mesothelioma and lung cancer. While the vast majority of mesothelioma cases are generally accepted as being caused by asbestos, the proportion of asbestos-related lung cancers is less clear and cannot be determined directly because cases are not clinically distinguishable from those due to other causes. The aim of this study was to estimate the number of asbestos-related lung cancers among males by modelling their relative lung cancer mortality among occupations within Great Britain in terms of smoking habits, mesothelioma mortality (as an index of asbestos exposure) and occupation type (as a proxy for socio-economic factors). METHODS: Proportional mortality ratios for lung cancer and mesothelioma for the 20-year period from 1980 to 2000 (excluding 1981) were calculated for occupational groups. Smoking indicators were developed from three General Household Surveys carried out during the 1980s and 1990s. Poisson regression models were used to estimate the number of asbestos-related lung cancers by estimating the number of lung cancer deaths in each occupation assuming no asbestos exposure and subtracting this from the actual predicted number of lung cancer deaths. RESULTS: The effect of asbestos exposure in predicting lung cancer mortality was weak in comparison to smoking habits and occupation type. The proportion of current smokers in occupational groups and average age at which they started smoking were particularly important factors. Our estimate of the number of asbestos-related lung cancers was between two-thirds and one death for every mesothelioma death: equivalent to between 11 500 and 16 500 deaths during the time period studied. CONCLUSIONS: Asbestos-related lung cancer is likely to have accounted for 2-3% of all lung cancer deaths among males in Great Britain over the last two decades of the 20th century. Asbestos-related lung cancers are likely to remain an important component of the total number of lung cancer deaths in the future as part of the legacy of past asbestos exposures in occupational settings

Mesothelioma mortality in Great Britain from 1968 to 2001.

BACKGROUND: The British mesothelioma register contains all deaths from 1968 to 2001 where mesothelioma was mentioned on the death certificate. AIMS: To present summary statistics of the British mesothelioma epidemic including summaries by occupation and geographical area. METHODS: Standardized mortality ratios (SMRs) were calculated for local authorities, unitary authorities and counties. Temporal trends in SMRs were also examined. Proportional mortality ratios (PMRs) were calculated using the Southampton (based on the 1980 standard occupational classification) coding scheme. Temporal trends in PMRs were also examined. RESULTS: The annual number of mesothelioma deaths has increased from 153 in 1968 to 1848 in 2001. Current deaths in males account for about 85% of the cases. The areas of West Dunbartonshire (SMR 637), Barrow-in-Furness (593), Plymouth (396) and Portsmouth (388) have the highest SMRs over the period 1981-2000. The occupations with the highest PMRs are metal plate workers (PMR 503), vehicle body builders (526), plumbers and gas fitters (413) and carpenters (388). CONCLUSIONS: These data reinforce earlier findings that geographical areas and occupations associated with high exposure to asbestos in the past continue to drive the mesothelioma epidemic in Great Britain. However, the trends over time suggest a change in the balance of risk away from traditional asbestos exposure industries to industries where one could describe the exposure as secondary, such as plumbers and gas fitters, carpenters, and electricians

Libertarian paternalism: Policy and everyday translations of the rational and the affective

Following the financial collapse in 2008 many commentators went onto pronounce the end of neoliberalism as a credible system for managing welfare state capitalism. The narrow economic belief in individuals as rational utility maximizers (the linchpin of neoliberal governance) was proved to be uncomfortably inaccurate. In light of these claims, British governments and think tanks have published various research and pol-icy documents promoting the use of soft forms of state power to ‘nudge’ citizens into behaving responsibly and rationally. Through an analysis of key policy documents and academic texts, I examine the repertoires and formulations informing this emerging governmental rationality (‘libertarian paternalism’) and draw together these perspectives to explore their effects in terms of framing policy understandings of the rational and the emotional. I conclude the article by utilizing a discursive psychology approach with the aim to problematize existing policy (mis)understandings of emotion as automated and unreflexive

Differentiation theory and the ontologies of regionalism in Latin America

Abstract In this article, we argue that conventional understandings of regional integration based on neo-functionalism, hitherto often used to describe the diverse projects of Latin American regionalism, are of limited utility in that context. Rather than representing processes of economic or political unification, the various regionalisms could be understood more productively as a reaction to the crisis in legitimacy that social orders in the region have experienced under the conditions of globalized modernity. We then deploy an understanding of regionalism derived from sociological differentiation theory in order to advance this argument

Critical windows for nutritional interventions against stunting.

An analysis of early growth patterns in children from 54 resource-poor countries in Africa and Southeast Asia shows a rapid falloff in the height-for-age z score during the first 2 y of life and no recovery until ≥5 y of age. This finding has focused attention on the period -9 to 24 mo as a window of opportunity for interventions against stunting and has garnered considerable political backing for investment targeted at the first 1000 d. These important initiatives should not be undermined, but the objective of this study was to counteract the growing impression that interventions outside of this period cannot be effective. We illustrate our arguments using longitudinal data from the Consortium of Health Oriented Research in Transitioning collaboration (Brazil, Guatemala, India, Philippines, and South Africa) and our own cross-sectional and longitudinal growth data from rural Gambia. We show that substantial height catch-up occurs between 24 mo and midchildhood and again between midchildhood and adulthood, even in the absence of any interventions. Longitudinal growth data from rural Gambia also illustrate that an extended pubertal growth phase allows very considerable height recovery, especially in girls during adolescence. In light of the critical importance of maternal stature to her children's health, our arguments are a reminder of the importance of the more comprehensive UNICEF/Sub-Committee on Nutrition Through the Life-Cycle approach. In particular, we argue that adolescence represents an additional window of opportunity during which substantial life cycle and intergenerational effects can be accrued. The regulation of such growth is complex and may be affected by nutritional interventions imposed many years previously