The Protected Burial Mound ‘Store Vejlhøj’, Vinderup, Denmark: First Results

An archaeological excavation of the protected burial mound Store Vejlhøj in northwestern Denmark was carried out in October-November 2021. The excavation formed part of the ERC-funded research project called ANTHEA, focusing on the deep history of anthropogenic heathlands. It was conducted by Aarhus University in collaboration with Holstebro Museum and Moesgaard Museum. The aim was to test a new method of sampling pollen data from different construction stages in a burial mound and comparing them with pollen data from nearby lake sediments with a view to improving our understanding of prehistoric anthropogenic heathland dynamics. Prior to the excavation, soil cores were collected from two nearby peat sediments as well as six burial mounds (including Store Vejlhøj) within a 1 km range of Lake Skånsø, where previous pollen analyses had been carried out. Based on these preliminary corings, Store Vejlhøj was selected for further archaeological investigation. A dispensation for excavating the protected mound was granted by the Danish Palaces and Culture Agency. The excavation was based on a 5 m long trench through the barrow, moving from its foot inwards. The surface vegetation and 40 cm topsoil were removed by an excavator, after which the remainder of the trench was manually dug in horizontal layers. Observation conditions were good. The excavation revealed a series of well-defined barrow construction stages, as well as unusually wellpreserved turf structures. Only two archaeological finds could be related to the barrow, both of which were later than its initial construction: a secondary urn in the top layer, and the base of a second urn at the foot of the mound. The burial mound was constructed using a minimum of three shells, which could be observed in the trench profile. Turfs were most probably collected locally in a landscape dominated by grass pastures, where no previous turf cutting had taken place. A total of 34 soil samples were collected for paleoecological analyses (pollen, Non-Pollen Polymorphs (NPPs), macrofossils) and geoarchaeological analyses (micromorphology, bulk samples). Preliminary pollen and macrofossil results from the burial mound revealed poor preservation conditions, which prompted a trench extension of 0.5 m by 0.2 m to find better preservation conditions. This extension resulted in the collection of a single final macrofossil sample, although there was no identifiable change in the in-situ preservation conditions. The dating results of the mound have not yet been completed and will be included as appendix 4-6 in 2023

Agerbruget i enkeltgravskultur – Senneolitikum og ældre bronzealder i Jylland belyst ud fra plantemakrofossil

Agriculture in Jutland during the Single Grave culture, Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age – as revealed by archaeobotanical analysesPlant macrofossils can, together with other archaeological finds, provide an insight into many aspects of past agriculture and society. They can be preserved in various ways (fig. 1).Carbonised plant macro-remains can give us information on some of the species handled and used by people in the past, but they do not provide a complete picture of the exploited flora as not all plants have an equal chance of becoming charred. To aid analysis of charred plant macrofossils, soil samples are often processed in a socalled flotation machine (fig. 2).Waterlogged plant macrofossils can provide a view of the vegetation around a particular site, but it can be difficult to determine which plants people exploited in the past and which simply occurred naturally. Waterlogged plant macrofossils are prepared for analysis by wet-sieving.The other forms of preservation (fig. 1) give only a very fragmented picture of the past flora as very special conditions lead to their preservation.The period extending from the Single Grave culture to the end of the Early Bronze Age covers about 1800 years of Danish prehistory (2800-1800 BC). To date, a total of 41 archaeobotanical analyses have been carried out from 35 sites from this period in Jutland (fig. 3), which provides a relatively poor chronological representativity. Seen geographically, there are many blank areas and other areas show a tendency towards a clustering of sites (fig. 3). This distribution is not an expression of the distribution of the prehistoric evidence but is exclusively a result of a bias in sampling.Arable agriculture was introduced to Southern Scandinavia around 4000 BC, and during the Funnel Beaker culture it was dominated by emmer, although naked barley, hulled barley, einkorn and bread wheat were also present from the beginning. Naked barley did, however, become more common during the course of the period towards the beginning of the Single Grave culture (fig. 4). At the same time, pollen evidence reveals that there was a general opening up of the landscape with a greater extent of grazing land and arable fields, the exception to this being in Djursland.During the Single Grave culture naked barley was the dominant crop (fig. 5), but not to such a great extent as was previously thought, becaurse wheat, in the form of emmer (fig. 7), also occurs in such quantities that it must have been a separately cultivated crop. This crop apparently having had a ritual significance, perhaps because it was used in beer making, can perhaps explain the dominant position of naked barley. This ritual element is also apparent in that naked barley was apparently used as a decorative element on certain pottery vessels (fig. 6).In the Late Neolithic, naked barley was no longer the clearly dominant crop (fig. 8), although it does dominate percentagewise with regard to the number of grains and chaff fragments (fig. 9), as wheat is now the dominant crop at seven out of the 13 sites. Naked barley was the dominant form of barley (fig. 10), while emmer was the predominant form of wheat, although there is also a large quantity of spelt in the material, and it is almost the numerical equivalent of emmer (fig. 11). The fact that wheat and barley became more-or-less of equal importance as crops is an interesting development. This suggests that, in the Late Neolithic, there was the adoption of more diverse agriculture in which a greater number of different crops were cultivated than previously. It also seems that several different cereals were cultivated at the same time at most sites. This was an important innovation as it reduced the risk of a total harvest failure.This development continued into the Early Bronze Age, when wheat became increasingly widespread at the cost of barley; various forms of wheat are dominant at seven out of 11 localities (fig. 12). Wheat is also now the dominant cereal type with 56% of all grains and chaff fragments. Naked barley was still the dominant form of barley, but hulled barley occurs at seven localities (fig. 13). With regard to wheat, it varies from locality to locality as to which type is dominant; emmer and spelt are each dominant at two sites and bread wheat is dominant at one (fig. 14). Overall, emmer dominates with 64% of all the identifiable wheat grains and chaff fragments, whereas spelt comprises 24% and the other wheat types are much less widespread (fig. 15). Agriculture in the Early Bronze Age was apparently very diverse, involving the cultivation of many different crops. At least two different crops were cultivated at all sites, probably to spread the risk of crop failure and to secure a good harvest.On the basis of the plant macrofossils and the other archaeological finds it is possible to gain an insight into various agrarian processes. There are no finds of the actual fields, but ard marks have been found dating all the way back to the beginning of the Funnel Beaker culture. Each farmstead probably had more than one field as the dominant cereal types were probably cultivated as monocultures. The fields were ploughed with the aid of a ard, probably a “crook ard”, which is the oldest known type in Denmark (fig. 16). The ard was probably drawn by oxen as seen depicted on the Litsleby rock carving (fig. 17). This is confirmed by finds of cattle foot bones from the Middle Neolithic showing characteristic deformities which indicate the exploitation of oxen as draught animals. We do not know when in the year the fields were ploughed but it is very likely that this took place in connection with preparation for sowing, and possibly also after sowing in order to cover the seed corn with soil. It is generally thought that up until the end of the Roman Iron Age all crops were sown in the spring. Based on the evidence from the weed flora, this seems also to have been the case during the period dealt with here. The weed seed assemblages also indicate that the arable fields were not manured or weeded.On the basis of similarities to modern sickles, it is presumed that cereals were harvested using, respectively, blade sickles (Single Grave culture), flat-flaked flint sickles (Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age) and bronze sickles (Early Bronze Age). However, no wear analyses have been carried out to date on sickles from these periods. In addition, use could have been made of so-called “threshing combs” (fig. 18), as known from the Late Funnel Beaker culture. Seeds of weeds of short stature seen in the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age finds suggest that the cereals were harvested low on the straw.There are no records of threshing implements, but finds of threshed but not fully processed/cleaned naked barley from the Single Grave culture at Grydehøj suggest that use was made of flails, sticks or similar. After threshing, the grain was cleaned, a process possibly carried out in the same way as revealed by ethnographic 55 studies (fig. 19). In the finds so far, it was only possible to identify two waste products from cereal processing: the waste from the final hand-cleaning, by which impurities and glumes are removed (the glumes are most easily removed by loosening them from the lightly roasted grain with the aid of a quern or possibly a wooden mortar (fig. 20)), and the waste product arising from sieving naked barley with a fine-meshed sieve.There are three different find categories representing more-or-less fully processed cereal products – stored grain, offerings and material burnt by accident during cooking or roasting. The grain was probably stored in some form of container but unfortunately these are not often preserved. This is probably due to them being made from organic material, as seen at Peterborg Vest near Horsens (Late Neolithic) where the grain was stored in wooden containers, and during the Iron Age, from where there are finds of wooden containers and leather sacks. Pottery vessels are of course another possibility, but from the study period the only example is from Uglviggård. In the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age it appears that the grain was, as a rule, stored in the eastern part of the house.It is difficult to evaluate precisely the economic significance of arable agriculture relative to animal husbandry as the archaeological record tends to favour the former whereas pollen evidence gives better information on the latter. This disparity is probably due to prevailing conditions and the potential for preservation, as well as the fact that cereals (apart from rye) belong to a special group of plants that are “cleistogamous” (fig. 21), i.e. the plant’s flowers never open and, as a consequence, no pollen is released. At the present time it is not possible, therefore, to evaluate precisely the relationship between the economic significance of arable agriculture and animal husbandry. Wild plants were also exploited. There is evidence for the gathering of hazelnuts, apples, berries, various weed seeds and acorns.It is possible, on the basis of the finds of charred grain and seeds, combined with other archaeological finds, to obtain a relatively clear picture of the crops, arable agri culture and agrarian practices in the period extending from the Single Grave culture until the end of the Early Bronze Age. The shift that apparently began at the transition from the Late Neolithic – whereby arable agriculture became increasingly diverse, involving the simultaneous cultivation of several crops at every site - could suggest that arable agriculture became of greater importance relative to animal husbandry and perhaps, in particular, the exploitation of natural resources. At the same time, this strategy distributed risk and therefore provided a more stable subsistence base as the risk of failed crops was reduced. It is possible that this increased stability in the subsistence base could have contributed to laying the foundations for some of the increased surplus apparent in Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age society in the form of greater investment in prestige objects and the potential to support specialised craftsmen.The economy did not of course just comprise arable agriculture. Animal husbandry also played an important role, but the importance of this role relative to arable agriculture is unfortunately not revealed by the finds. Agriculture was supplemented by the gathering of various nuts, fruits, berries and edible plants. In addition, birds, land and marine mammals were hunted, and there was fishing for fresh- and salt-water fish and gathering of shellfish. In other words, there was a broad-based and diverse economy during all three archaeological periods.Marianne Høyem AndreasenMoesgård Museu

Kærgård ved Daugbjerg – Bebyggelse med værkstedsområde fra yngre jernalder

Kærgård, Daugbjerg– a Late Iron Age settlement with a workshop areaExcavations carried out in 2007‑09 on the edge of a meadow at the farm of Kærgård, about 15 km west of Viborg (figs. 1-2) revealed evidence of houses and activities dating from the Germanic Iron Age and Viking Age (c. AD 400‑950). Even though an area of about 14,000 m2 was uncovered, the site has not been fully excavated. But even so, 19 houses, 20 pithouses, 27 fences, 40 wells and waterlogged pits and four drying pits were located.The housesOnly a few of the 19 houses will be mentioned here. House K2/K3 (fig. 5) is presumed to be a longhouse with dwelling and byre that was rebuilt once or twice on the same site. The house dates from the Early Germanic Iron Age or perhaps slightly earlier. House K8 (fig. 6) has a special extension to the north and is dated to the Late Germanic Iron Age or Early Viking Age. House K45 (fig. 7) is a smaller building and could be some kind of workshop; it is dated to the Viking Age. The rest of the houses that were fully uncovered are smaller, being either two-aisled or three-aisled workshop buildings.Twenty pithouses have been identified even though not all of them were very well preserved. The finds from them are quite varied and include spindle whorls, a whetstone, bronze tweezers, an iron needle, an amber bead, a glass bead, an arrowhead and an iron knife (fig. 8). One pithouse was found to contain potsherds from at least 26 different hemispherical vessels; nine of these had a hole for a repair (fig. 9), indicating that this building was probably used for repairing pots.Wells and waterlogged pitsThe 40 structures can be divided into five groups: natural ponds, smaller waterlogged pits (10), wells without a lining (10), wells with a lining (13) and basins (3). The latter three groups in particular have yielded some interesting information.Dendrochronological analysis of the wood has been carried out at Wormanium and the Danish National Museum, resulting in some cases in very precise dates.The wells with a lining vary in construction: Four have a woven wattle lining (fig. 10‑11), two are lined with branches (fig. 12), two have planks and reused timber, two comprise hollow tree trunks (fig. 13) and a third has half a tree trunk.The basins are rather shallow ponds, with logs laid out to walk on (fig. 14); one even has a layer of small branches at its base (fig. 15).Some of the wells without a lining probably originally had one that was removed when the well was demolished. A ladder was found in each of two smaller wells without a lining; one had just a single step, the other had three (fig. 16).A further type of structure should be mentioned: pits used for heating. Four of these contained heat-damaged stones and charcoal, a fifth held a large charred tree trunk, while another two were reused wells, almost completely backfilled, then lined with red-burnt clay. The purpose of these structures could have been for heating or drying.FindsThe waterlogged conditions have resulted in excellent preservation, with numerous wooden artefacts being preserved. A small spoon, parts of a wooden bowl, small clubs and various items of unknown function have been found (fig. 18). There is also building timber, several wagon axles and an arrow-shaped ard share (figs. 19 and 20). Pieces of rope (fig. 21) were found in one well and another contained pieces of rolled birch bark (fig. 22).Two wooden lures (fig. 23) represent quite unique finds. One is 50 cm long and made of willow wood. Its mouthpiece is very well preserved and has a binding of lime bast. The second lur is about 80 cm long and broader than the first. Only five other examples are known from Denmark: one from Herning Torv, three from Holing and one from Nydam.Scientific analysesExamples of animal bones from the site are shown in figure 24. Cattle are fairly dominant, but horse is also surprisingly common. The wood used for various purposes was also investigated. Figure 25 shows the species used for well linings and figure 26 the wood dropped or thrown into a pool. Ten different species have been identified. Two pollen analyses are shown in figure 27.Analyses of plant remains from the wells were carried out to examine whether there was specialised production of textiles of nettle and/or flax. However only a few flax seeds were found and although there were fairly numerous nettle seeds, this was insufficient to prove that retting had been carried out in the wells and ponds. Neither was any evidence of other functions found (fig. 28).Plant macro-remains from the pithouses include various cereals and weeds (figs. 30 and 31). House K45 also yielded several different cereals, mostly from the middle of the house where activities may have been concentrated.Functions of the wells, pithouses and other structuresThere seem to be too many wells just to provide drinking water, so other possible functions have been considered. The Viking Age settlement excavated at Næs on Zealand also had quite a large number of pithouses and wells, and in some of the latter were found bundles of flax stems. These wells had been used as retting pits for flax and the pithouses were small textile workshops. Only a few seeds of flax were found at Kærgård, but there were some nettle seeds. The botanical remains are consequently very sparse, but the archaeological features indicating textile production are more numerous (fig. 32). The many wells and waterlogged pits, ladders and logs giving access to the basins all indicate the presence of retting pits, and some drying pits could have been used for drying the plant stems before breaking them. Spindle whorls in the pithouses indicate that these could have been used for textile production.The way the site is structured is also rather unusual. In the southern part there appear to be three typical farm units (fig. 33), while the concentration of pithouses in the north seems more likely to represent a workshop or production area. Smaller working units (all outside the fences) can be seen in at least three places at the site: These comprise a retting pit, clean water wells, drying pits and smaller workshop buildings (fig. 34).Perspectives and conclusionsA workshop area like that located at Kærgård has not been found at any other site in Viborg Museum’s area. At Duehøj SV there were three wells and pithouses, but no retting or drying pits, at Højlund Spangsdal there was a drying pit and a waterlogged area but no pithouses, and at Spangsbjerg the retting pits, drying pits and pithouses were distributed among the farm buildings.Other sites, such as Næs at Zealand and Seden Syd at Funen, show a greater similarity to Kærgård. However, both of these sites also have evidence of trade, of which there is no sign at Kærgård.Iron production sites represent another type of specialised site. They are well known in southwest Jutland where the large numbers of iron-smelting furnaces at some sites indicate that the production was greater than for the village’s own consumption. Such sites have also been found closer to Kærgård at sites excavate by Silkeborg and Herning Museums. However, these sites also lack evidence of trade.These specialised sites indicate that it is necessary to understand the organisation of the Late Iron Age settlement in a more complex way.The excavation at Kærgård has revealed an agrarian settlement with a workshop area indicating that there was specialised production, probably of textiles, that was intended for trade with other settlements. The fact that trade and exchange became increasingly important during the Germanic Iron Age and Viking Age has been known for a long time, but we do not know of many specialised sites as that at Kærgård. We do not know whether they were controlled by a chieftain at the site or located further away, but these specialised sites are yet another piece in the jigsaw puzzle of Late Iron Age settlement structure.Kamilla Fiedler TerkildsenViborg MuseumMarianne Høyem AndreasenMoesgaard Museu

Et monumentalt midtsulehus ved Nørre Holsted i Sydjylland

A large two-aisled house at Nørre Holsted in southern Jutland – Analysis of a longhouse from Early Bronze Age period IIn 2011 and 2012, Sønderskov Museum investigated an area of 65,000 m2 at Nørre Holsted, between Esbjerg and Vejen. The investigation revealed a multitude of features and structures dating from several periods, including extensive settlement remains from the Late Neolithic and Bronze Age. Excavations have also been carried out in this area previously, resulting in rich finds assemblages. This paper focuses on the site’s largest and best preserved two-aisled house, K30, which is dated to Early Bronze Age period I (1700-1500 BC). This longhouse therefore represents the final generation of houses of two-aisled construction. It also contained charred plant remains, which provide information on arable agriculture of the time and the internal organisation of the building at a point just prior to three-aisled construction becoming universal. The remains indicate continuity in both agriculture and in internal organisation between the late two-aisled and early three-aisled longhouses. The two-aisled house at Nørre Holsted can therefore make a significant contribution to the long-running debate about this architectural change, which has often focussed on developments in farming: The increased importance of cattle husbandry is said to have been the main reason for breaking with the tradition of two-aisled construction.The Nørre Holsted locality comprises the top of a sandy plateau that forms a ridge running north-south. The slightly sloping plateau lies 38-42 m above sea level and the ridge is surrounded by damp, low-lying terrain that, prior to the agricultural drainage of recent times, was partly aquiferous. The site occupies a central position in the southern part of Holsted Bakkeø, a “hill island” that is primarily characterised by sandy moraine. People preferred to live on well-drained ridges with sandy subsoil throughout large parts of prehistory and this was also true in the Late Neolithic and Bronze Age. On the area uncovered at Nørre Holsted, remains were found of 16 two-aisled houses, of which three had sunken floors. Ten of these houses are dated to the Late Neolithic and three are assigned to the first period of the Bronze Age. During Early Bronze Age periods II and III, a total of 14 three-aisled longhouses stood on the sandy plateau. As can be seen from figure 2, the houses from the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age lie more or less evenly distributed across the area. However, the buildings from the Late Neolithic/Early Bronze Age period I form a distinct cluster in the eastern part, while a western distribution is evident for the houses from Early Bronze Age periods II-III. The western part of the site lies highest in the terrain and a movement upwards in the landscape was therefore associated with the introduction of the three-aisled building tradition. Tripartition of the dimensions can be observed in both the two- and the three-aisled houses, with this being most pronounced in the latter category. The three-aisled Bronze Age houses from periods II and III, which represent the typical form with rounded gables and possibly plank-built walls, show great morphological and architectonic uniformity. Conversely, the two-aisled house remains are characterised by wider variation. The small and medium-sized examples, with or without a partly-sunken floor, represent some very common house types in Jutland. Conversely, the largest longhouse, K30, represents a variant that is more familiar from areas further to the east in southern Scandinavia.The largest two-aisled house at Nørre Holsted was located on the eastern part of the sandy plateau, where this slopes down towards a former wetland area (fig. 3). The east-west-oriented longhouse had a fall of 1.5 m along its length, with the eastern end being the lowest part at c. 38 m above sea level. Its orientation towards the wet meadow and bog to the east is striking, and it stood a maximum of 50 m from the potential grazing area. A peat bog lay a further 100 m to the east and in prehistory this was probably a small lake. Sekær Bæk flows 600 m to the north and, prior to realignment, this watercourse was both deeper and wider where it met the former lake area. Access to fresh water was therefore optimal and opportunities for transport and communication by way of local water routes must similarly have been favourable. It should be added that the watercourse Holsted Å flows only 1 km to the south of the locality.House K30 had a length of 32 m and a width of 6.5-7 m, with the western part apparently being the broadest, giving a floor area of more than 200 m2. The eastern gable was slightly rounded, while that to the west was of a straighter and more open character. The wall posts were preserved along most of the two sides of the building and the internal (roof-) supporting posts were positioned just inside the walls. Two transverse partition walls divided the longhouse, with its ten central posts, into three main rooms (fig. 5). These posts were the building’s sturdiest and most deeply-founded examples. Charcoal-rich post-pipes could be observed in section, and these revealed that the posts consisted of cloven timber with a cross-section of c. 25 cm. The central posts were regularly spaced about 3 m apart, except at the eastern and western ends, where the spacing was 4 m (fig. 5). The posts along the inside of the walls were less robust and not set as deeply as the central posts. There were probably internal wall or support posts along the entire length of the walls. These were positioned only 0.5 m inside the walls and must therefore have functioned together with these. Based on the position of these posts, the possibility that they were directly linked to the central posts can be dismissed. It seems much more likely that they were linked together by transverse beams running across the house – a roof-supporting feature that, a few generations later, moved further in towards the central axis to become the permanent roof-bearing construction. The actual wall posts or outer wall constituted the least robust constructional element of the longhouse.Remains of the walls were best preserved in the eastern part, and the wall posts here were spaced 1.5 m apart in the eastern gable and 2 m apart in the side wall (fig. 5). The wall posts had disappeared in several places, particularly in the central part of the building. Entrances could not be identified in the side walls, possibly as a consequence of the fragmentary preservation of the post traces. Two transverse partition walls, each consisting of three posts, were present in the western and eastern parts, with the latter example being integrated into a recessed pair of posts. The western room had an area of 59 m2 and contained two pits, while the eastern part was filled with charred plant material, consisting largely of acorns. The actual living quarters may have been located here, even though the larger central room, with an area of c. 85 m2, could just as well represent the dwelling area with its large, deep cooking pit (fig. 5). The eastern room had an area of 60 m2 and therefore did not differ significantly in area from that to the west.The entire fill from features that could be related to longhouse K30 was sieved. The objective was to retrieve small finds in the form of micro flakes and pottery fragments that are normally overlooked in conventional shovel excavation. The associated aims included ascertaining whether the flint assemblage could reveal the production of particular tools or weapons in the building. Unfortunately, not a single piece of pottery or any other datable artefacts were recovered. Only a few small flint flakes, which simply show that the finds from house K30 conform to the typical picture of a general reduction in the production of flint tools at the transition from Late Neolithic to Early Bronze Age. The 11 flint flakes from the longhouse merely reflect the simple manufacturing of cutting tools. Consequently, no bifacial flint-knapping activities took place within the building, and there is a lack of evidence for specialised craftsmen. The great paucity of finds is typical of houses from the Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age which do not have a sunken floor. It is therefore important to look more closely at the charred plant material (plant macro-remains) concealed in the fills of the postholes and pits. In the case of house K30, the soil samples have provided a range of information, providing greater knowledge of what actually took place in a large house in southern Jutland at the beginning of the Bronze Age.The scientific dating of house K30 is based on barley grains from two roof posts and from a wall post in the eastern part. The three AMS radiocarbon dates assign the longhouse to Early Bronze Age period I, with a centre of gravity in period Ib (fig. 6). Plant macro-remains have previously been analysed from monumental three-aisled Bronze Age houses in southern Jutland. It is therefore relevant to take a look inside a large longhouse representing the final generation of the two-aisled building tradition. Do the results of the analyses indicate continuity in the internal organisation of these large houses or did significant changes occur in their functional organisation with the introduction of the three-aisled tradition?During the excavation of longhouse K30, soil samples were taken from all postholes and associated features for flotation and subsequent analysis of the plant macro-remains recovered. An assessment of the samples’ content of plant macro-remains and charcoal revealed that those from two central postholes and a pit contained large quantities of plant material (fig. 7), whereas the other samples contained few or no plant remains. It was therefore obvious to investigate whether there was a pattern in the distribution of the plant macro-remains that could provide an insight into the internal organisation of the house and the occupants’ exploitation of plant resources. The plant macro-remains can be used to investigate the organisation of the house because the house site lay undisturbed. The remains can therefore be presumed to date from the building’s active period of use. The plant remains lay on the floor of the house and they became incorporated into the fill of the postholes possibly as the posts were pulled up when the house was abandoned or when the posts subsequently rotted or were destroyed by fire. The plant macro-remains therefore reflect activities that have taken place in the immediate vicinity of the posthole in question.Only barley, in its naked form, can be said to have been definitely used by the house’s occupants, as this cereal type dominates, making up 80% of the identified grains (fig. 8). It is also likely, however, that emmer and/or spelt were cultivated too as evidence from other localities shows that a range of cereal crops was usually grown in the Early Bronze Age. This strategy was probably adopted to mitigate against the negative consequences of a possible failed harvest and also in an attempt to secure a surplus. Virtually no seeds of arable weeds were found in the grain-rich samples from the postholes where the central posts had stood; just a few seeds of persicaria and a single grass caryopsis were identified. This indicates that the crops, in the form of naked barley, and possibly also emmer/spelt, must have been thoroughly cleaned and processed. In contrast, the sample from pit A2500, in the western part of the house, contains virtually no cereal grains but does have a large number of charred acorn fragments (fig. 9). The question is, how should this pit be interpreted? If it was a storage pit, then the many acorns should not be charred, unless the pit and the remnants of its contents were subsequently burnt, perhaps as part of a cleansing or sterilisation process. It could also be a refuse pit, used to dispose of acorns that had become burnt by accident. In which case this must have been a temporary function as permanent refuse pits are unlikely to have been an internal feature of the house’s living quarters. Finally, it is possible that this could have been a so-called function-related pit that was used in connection with drying the acorns, during which some of the them became charred.From the plant macro-remain data it is clear that the occupants of longhouse K30 practised agriculture while, at the same time, gathering and exploiting natural plant resources. It should be added that they probably also kept livestock etc., but these resources have not left any traces in the site’s archaeological record – probably due to poor conditions for the preservation of bones. A closer examination of the distribution of plant macro-remains in house K30 reveals a very clear pattern (fig. 9), thereby providing an insight into the internal organisation of the building. All traces of cereals are found in the eastern half of the house and, in particular, the two easternmost roof postholes contain relatively large quantities, while the other postholes in this part of the building have few or no charred grains. This could suggest that there was a grain store (i.e. granary) in the vicinity of the penultimate roof-bearing post to the east, while the other cereal grains in the area could result from activities associated with spillage from this store, which contained processed and cleaned naked barley. No plant macro-remains were observed in the posthole samples from the opposite end of the building. The plant remains in this part of the house all originate from the aforementioned pit A2500, which contained a large quantity of acorns, together with a few arable weed seeds. The pit should possibly be interpreted as an acorn store or a functional pit associated with roasting activities or refuse disposal.The distribution of the plant macro-remains provides no secure indication of the location of the hearth or, in turn, of the living quarters. However, if the distribution of the charcoal in the house is examined (fig. 10), it is clear that there was charcoal everywhere inside house K30. This indicates that the longhouse was either burned down while still occupied or, perhaps more likely, in connection with its abandonment. A more detailed evaluation of the charcoal found in the various postholes and other features reveals the highest concentrations in the central room, suggesting that the hearth was located here, and with it the living quarters. This is consistent with the presence of a large cooking pit, found in the eastern part of this room. Perhaps this explains the presence of open pit A2500 in the western part of the house, which constitutes direct evidence against the presence of living quarters here. Another explanation for the highest charcoal concentrations being in the central room could also have been the entrance area, where there would be a tendency for such material to accumulate.Plant macro-remains have previously been analysed from large Bronze Age houses in the region, namely at the sites of Brødrene Gram and Kongehøj II, and plant remains from a somewhat smaller Late Neolithic house at Brødrene Gram were also examined. In many ways, K30 corresponds to the houses at Brødrene Gram (houses IV and V) and Kongehøj II (house K1). There is continuity with respect to the cereals represented in the Late Neolithic house at Brødrene Gram and the three-aisled Early Bronze Age houses at Brødrene Gram and Kongehøj II; naked barley and emmer/spelt are the dominant cereal types. There is, however, some variation in the cereal types present in the three-aisled Bronze Age houses, as hulled barley also occurs as a probable cultivated cereal here. It therefore seems that, with time, an even broader range of crops came to be cultivated when houses began to have a three-aisled construction. Another marked difference evident in the composition of the plant macro-remains is that the grain stores in the two-aisled houses contain only very few weed seeds, while those in the later houses are contaminated to a much greater extent with these remains. This could be due to several factors. One possible explanation is that the grain was cleaned more thoroughly before it was stored at the time of the two-aisled houses. Another explanation could be that there were, quite simply, fewer weeds growing in the arable fields in earlier periods, possibly because these fields were exploited for a shorter time and less intensively. This would mean that the field weeds were not able to become established to the same degree as later and fewer weeds were harvested with the cereal crop. As a consequence, the stored grain would contain fewer weed seeds relative to later periods. If the latter situation is true, the increase in field weeds could mark a change in the use of the arable fields, whereby each individual field was exploited for a somewhat longer period than previously.A common feature seen in all the houses is that they had grain stores in the eastern part of the building and storage was therefore one of the functions of this part. No secure evidence was however found of any of the houses having been fitted out as a byre. The three-aisled house IV at Brødrene Gram apparently also had a grain store at its western end – where K30 had its acorn-rich pit. However, while the western end of the Brødrene Gram house, and that of the other houses, is interpreted as a dwelling area, this room apparently had another function in K30, where the living quarters appear to have been located in the central room, as indicated by the cooking pit and the marked concentration of charcoal.Longhouse K30 differs from the later houses at Brødrene Gram and Kongehøj II in that these two three-aisled houses contain large quantities of chaff (spikelet forks) of wheat, possibly employed as floor covering, while no such material was observed in K30. However, it is unclear whether this is due to differences in the internal organisation of the buildings or to preservation conditions. Conversely, the use of possible function-related pits, like the one containing acorn remains in house K30, appears to have continued throughout the subsequent periods, as the Bronze Age house at Brødrene Gram also contains similar pits, the more precise function of which remains, however, unresolved. A high degree of continuity can thereby be traced, both in the crops grown and the internal organisation of the two- and three-aisled longhouses in southern Jutland. There was, however, some development towards the cultivation of a wider range of crops.In turn, this suggests that, in terms of arable agriculture and internal building organisation, there was no marked difference between the late two-aisled and early three-aisled houses – or, more correctly, between the large houses of Bronze Age periods I and II in southern Jutland. More secure conclusions with respect to continuity and change in the internal organisation of the buildings would, however, require a significantly larger number of similar analyses, encompassing several house types of different dimensions from a longer period of time and across a larger geographic area. Nevertheless, let us address the problem by including house sites in other regions, because this should enable us to gain an impression of the degree to which the picture outlined above for southern Jutland is representative of larger parts of southern Scandinavia.In several cases, both in the large two-aisled longhouses from Late Neolithic period II to Early Bronze Age period I and the large three-aisled longhouses from Early Bronze Age periods II-III, we see an internal division of the building into three main rooms. This tripartite division does, however, become clearer and more standardised with the advent of the three-aisled building tradition, which is a special characteristic of the longhouses of southern Jutland. Food stores were apparently often kept in the eastern parts of these houses. This is shown by the concentrations of charred grain found in these areas, and in some cases the larders must have been positioned immediately inside the eastern gable. Over time, traces of grain stores have been recorded from sunken areas in a number of house sites in Jutland. As a rule, these sunken floors constituted the eastern part of two-aisled houses of Myrhøj type, which were particularly common, especially in Jutland, during the Late Neolithic and the first period of the Bronze Age. One reason for lowering the house floor in this way was possibly a requirement for more space to store grain. It has been pointed out that a sunken floor gives greater head clearance in a room which, in turn, optimises the possibility of keeping the grain dry. In some cases, these sunken floors were almost totally covered by charred barley and wheat grains; surely the result of stored grain having fallen from an open loft during a house fire.In the Late Neolithic, arable agriculture apparently increased in importance as it became more intensive and diverse, with a wider range of crops now being cultivated. Agriculture in the Early Bronze Age was simply a continuation of the agricultural intensification evident in Late Neolithic arable agriculture. There was a possible difference in that fields were probably more commonly manured in the Early Bronze Age, though the first secure evidence for manuring dates from the Late Bronze Age. The plant macro-remains from the Early Bronze Age include significantly greater numbers of weeds, suggesting that individual arable fields had a longer period of use. Moreover, nutrient-demanding hulled barley came on to the scene as a cultivated crop. This has been demonstrated for example in the aforementioned long

Archaeological cereals as an isotope record of long-term soil health and anthropogenic amendment in southern Scandinavia

Maintaining soil health is integral to agricultural production, and the archaeological record contains multiple lines of palaeoclimatic and palaeoenvironmental proxy evidence that can contribute to the understanding and analysis of long-term trajectories of change that are key for contextualizing 21st century global environmental challenges. Soil is a capital resource and its nutrient balance is modified by agricultural activities, making it necessary to ensure soil productivity is maintained and managed through human choices and actions. Since prehistory this has always been the case; soil is a non-renewable resource within a human lifetime. Here, we present and interpret carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis of charred cereals from southern Scandinavia. Anthropogenic effects on soils are evident from the initiation of farming 6000 years ago, as is amendment to counteract its effects. The earliest cereals were planted on pristine soils, and by the late Neolithic, agriculture extensified. By the Iron Age it was necessary to significantly amend depleted soils to maintain crop yields. We propose that these data provide a record of soil water retention, net precipitation and amendment. From the start of the Neolithic there is a concurrent decrease in both Δ13C and δ15N, mitigated only by the replacement of soil organic content in the form of manure in the Iron Age. The cereal isotopes provide a record of trajectories of agricultural sustainability and anthropogenic adaptation for nearly the entire history of farming in the region