Pericoronitis : a clinical and epidemiological study in greek military recruits

This paper presents a statistical analysis of epidemiological, clinical and radiographical characteristics of third molar-related pericoronitis. 650 conscripts of the First Training Division of Conscript Soldiers of 2005 in Greece were recruited for the study. Each conscript was given a questionnaire and underwent a clinical test and a radiographic examination. The tested variables included the conscripts? personal information, oral hygiene parameters along with the radiographic angulation of the third molar, the level of impaction and their classification in relation to the edge of the mandible. The prevalence of pericoronitis was found to be 4.92%. The group of patients between 20 and 25 years old dominated in a percentage of 72.41%. The use of mouthwash along with the adequate frequency of teeth-brushing appeared to be related to a statistically significant decrease of the disease. Vertical impacted molars are more likely to present pericoronitis at a rate of 61.11%; plane A and the impacted teeth that are positioned to the front edge of the mandible according to class II, have a higher rate of prevalence. Finally, a brief literature review in comparison to our study is also presented

Soberanía hegemónica: Carl Schmitt, Antonio Gramsci y el príncipe constituyente

This article argues that Schmitt’s concept of sovereignty and Gramsci’s notion of hegemony represent two distinct variations on a single theme, namely the idea of the political as the original instituting moment of society. Both Schmitt and Gramsci focused on the sources, conditions, content, and scope of the originating power of a collective will. While the former located it in the constituent power of the sovereign people, the latter placed it in the popular-national will of the modern hegemon. Both thinkers explored the complex and perplexing relationship between radical founding acts and modern democratic politics in a secular age, that is of democratic legitimacy, where with the entrance of the masses into the political sphere, the references to ultimate foundation s of authority and to an extra-social source of political power had begun to appear more dubious than ever. The last section of the article develops a notion of hegemonic sovereignty defined as an expansive and positing democratic constituent prince, aiming, through founding, total decisions, at the overall, radical, explicit, and lucid institution of society. The article briefly shows how the concept of hegemonic sovereignty can solve some problems pertaining to Schmitt’s notion of sovereignty and to Gramsci’s theory of hegemony. In so doing, the article seeks to establish the mutually reinforcing qualities of the two concepts.Este artículo argumenta que el concepto schmittiano de soberanía y la noción gramsciana de hegemonía, representan dos variantes de un mismo tema, a saber, la idea de lo político como el momento instituyente original de la sociedad. Ambos, Schmitt y Gramsci, se concentraban en las fuentes, condiciones, contenido y alcance del poder que origina a una voluntad colectiva. Mientras el primero lo situaba en el poder constituyente del pueblo soberano, el último lo hacía en la voluntad nacional-popular del poder hegemónico moderno. Ambos pensadores exploraron la compleja y desconcertante relación entre los actos fundantes radicales y la política democrática moderna en una era secular, es decir, de hegemonía democrática, donde con la entrada de las masas a la esfera política, las referencias a fundamentos últimos de la autoridad y a una fuente extrasocial del poder político, comenzaron a aparecer más dudosas que nunca. La última sección del artículo desarrolla una noción de soberanía hegemónica definida como un príncipe constituyente democrático amplio y propositivo, que busca, a través de la fundación, decisiones totales, en el conjunto, la institución, radical, explícita y lúcida de la sociedad. El artículo muestra brevemente cómo el concepto de soberanía hegemónica puede resolver algunos problemas propios de la noción schmittiana de soberanía y de la teoría gramsciana de la hegemonía. Al hacerlo, el artículo busca establecer las cualidades que se refuerzan mutuamente entre ambos conceptos

Canalicular adenoma with unicystic morphology. A rare entity

Canalicular adenoma (CA) is a benign salivary gland tumor (SGT) almost exclusively affecting the minor salivary glands, predominantly of the upper lip, and exhibiting characteristic histopathologic features. As observed in several other SGTs, a commonly

Kairós and Clinamen: revolutionary politics and the common good

This article sets out to offer a new reconceptualisation of the common good as the mechanism providing the temporal coordinates for revolutionary politics. The first section investigates the pairing of commonality and goodness, revealing its nature as a synthesis of apparently irreconcilable opposites. The second section examines how this irreconcilability is overcome, advancing the argument that to heal the divide, a double movement of definition and concealment is necessary, whereby the process of definition of what constitutes the common good is accompanied by an expropriation, or hollowing out, of meaning. The third section offers a proposal for overcoming this epistemological impasse about the nature of the common good, by contrasting chronos and kairós, chronological time and what in English can be translated as ‘opportune time’, and offering kairós as the chance to create, within the fissures of the totalitarianism of chronological time, the timescape for revolutionary politics. This proposal is carried on in the second part of this article, starting with ‘ Chronos and Kairós ’ section, where the concept of kairós is expanded upon and coupled with the Epicurean and Lucretian idea of the clinamen, the swerve of the atoms that introduces the element of chance against Democritean determinism. With the support of Antonio Negri’s reading of kairós and clinamen, the article argues in ‘Alma Venus: Love, Desire and Revolution’ section that these two concepts provide the spatial and temporal coordinates for revolutionary politics, in tension and critical engagement with Ackerman’s idea of constitutional moments, to conclude in ‘Conclusions: Kairós and Revolutionary Politics’ section, that the common good is to be defined as that which takes place and is identified/identifiable within these coordinates

State-building, war and violence : evidence from Latin America

In European history, war has played a major role in state‐building and the state monopoly on violence. But war is a very specific form of organized political violence, and it is decreasing on a global scale. Other patterns of armed violence now dominate, ones that seem to undermine state‐building, thus preventing the replication of European experiences. As a consequence, the main focus of the current state‐building debate is on fragility and a lack of violence control inside these states. Evidence from Latin American history shows that the specific patterns of the termination of both war and violence are more important than the specific patterns of their organization. Hence these patterns can be conceptualized as a critical juncture for state‐building. While military victories in war, the subordination of competing armed actors and the prosecution of perpetrators are conducive for state‐building, negotiated settlements, coexistence, and impunity produce instability due to competing patterns of authority, legitimacy, and social cohesion