Comparative Study on Digital Trade Agreements and the World Trade Organization Norms

학위논문(석사) -- 서울대학교대학원 : 행정대학원 글로벌행정전공, 2022. 8. 구민교.WTO체제가 지난 30여년간 쌓은 자유무역의 경험과 관행은 국제 무역에서 꽤 잘 적용되어왔고 자유무역규범 확산에 기여한 것은 명백하다. WTO는 다양한 무역분야에서 98%를 차지하는 최다수의 회원국을 보유하면서 자유무역의 다자적 규범을 창설하고, 분쟁해결체계를 도입했다는 점에서 그 중요성이 있다. 그러나 4차 산업혁명에 따른 정보통신기술의 발달과 코로나19 전염병 확산 상황에서의 디지털 무역의 증가는 디지털 분야에서의 새로운 규범의 필요성을 제기하였고, 디지털 분야에서 WTO가 제대로 작동하지 못하면서 개별 국가들은 자국의 이익을 반영한 국제적 표준을 선제적으로 형성하기 위해 노력하게 되었다. 이 연구는 결국 디지털 무역분야가 아직 충분히 발전하지 않았고 여전히 규범을 형성 중이라는 사실에 주목하여, 현재 미국과 중국, 그리고 제3국이 형성중인 디지털 무역규범이 기존 다자무역 규범인 WTO 규범과 공존할 수 있는지의 문제를 제기한다. 특히, 디지털 무역분야에서 대표적인 규범창설자 역할을 기대하고 있는 미국은 시장개방을 중시하는 자유무역에 치우쳐있는 반면, 중국은 자국 유치산업을 보호하고자 하는 보호무역적인 입장을 보이고 있다. 이는 미국과 중국의 국내 정책과 국내법과 더불어 양자가 진행해온 각각의 자유무역협정에 반영되어 있다. 특히 미국이 밑그림을 그렸던 두 협정인 서비스무역협정(Trade in Service Agreement)과 포괄적점진적 환태평양경제동반자협정(Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership)은 민간분야의 자율성을 강조하면서 자유무역을 강조하는 WTO의 비차별주의, 시장접근성 강화, 공정경쟁과 투명성 원칙 등을 담고 있다. 반면, 중국의 경우는 반대로 역내 포괄적 경제동반자협정(the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership)에서 WTO의 자유무역규범을 원론적인 수준에서 제시하거나, 비차별원칙을 의도적으로 배제함으로써 보호주의적인 관점을 담아냈다. 한편, 미국과 중국 주도의 다자무역협정에서 벗어나, 뉴질랜드, 싱가포르, 칠레 3국은 독자적인 디지털경제동반자협정(DEPA)을 체결하였다. 이 협정은 대상범위는 확대하고 보다 포괄적인 자유무역규범을 제시하면서 다양한 디지털 관련 주제에 신속하게 대응할 수 있는 소통창구를 마련했다는 점에서 의미가 있다. 그러나 그 회원국으로 미국이나 중국을 포섭하지 못한다면 협정의 영향력은 기대 이하가 될 가능성이 있고, 자유무역의 주요 원칙인 비차별원칙이 분쟁해결의 주제에서 제외됨은 그 구속력을 약화시키는 원인이 된다. 그러나 이렇게 대치되는 미국과 중국의 무역정책기조는 단기적일 것으로 보이며, 중국 디지털 유치산업이 충분히 성장하여 시장확대를 노리는 장기에는 중국 역시 디지털 자유무역으로 선회할 가능성이 보이므로 장기적인 자유무역 협력이 기대된다. 즉, 장기적으로 디지털 산업이 충분히 성장하게 된 이후엔 개별국가들이 디지털 무역에서 이익 조정을 통해 비차별, 시장접근성, 공정경쟁, 투명성 등의 자유무역 규범에 대한 공감대를 형성하게 될 것이다. 그 결과 다자간 자유무역 규범이라 할 수 있는 기존의 WTO 체제는 디지털 자유무역 규범의 버팀목 역할을 하게 될 것이다. 특히 WTO 분쟁해결기구가 개별 국가들의 자유무역 규범 이행에 구속력을 부여하는 역할을 담당해왔음을 고려할 때, 디지털 무역규범이 WTO 체제를 활용하여 자유무역규범을 공고히 하는 경우, 새로운 체제를 구축하는 비용은 극소화되고 기존 분쟁해결 인프라를 활용하는 이익은 극대화할 수 있을 것으로 보인다. 한편, WTO 역시 새로운 규범에 맞춰 보다 유연한 태도를 취해야 할 것이다. 특히 분쟁해결제도와 관련하여, 디지털 무역에 기존 비차별원칙의 동종상품에 대한 판단 기준이 적용되기 어렵고 개별 국가들은 비차별적 조치에 대한 디지털 무역 분쟁을 분쟁해결제도하에서 해결하길 원치 않는다. 그러므로 WTO 역시 디지털무역에 관한 한 분쟁해결제도를 보다 정교화하고 점진적으로 적용하는 등의 노력을 통해 구속력을 높여갈 방법을 모색할 필요가 있다.It is clear that World Trade Organization (WTO)’s experience and practice of free trade for about three decades have worked quite decently and have devoted to widespread free trade norms. In addition, WTO system is crucial in the free trade history because its members account for 98% of world trade and it introduced the dispute settlement system. The number of its members and binding effects of dispute settlement are enough to create the multilateral free trade norms in global economy. The fourth industrial revolution and Covid-19 pandemic, however, have required for new norms in digital economy. As soon as WTO fails to respond to the new area, individual states started to make an effort to form new global standards in global economy second to none. As a result, considering that the digital trade sector has not ripen yet and states are still in the process of molding the norms, this research expects to see if those trade norms made by the United States (U.S.), China or the third parties can coexist with the existing WTO system. Especially, the U.S., a representative in global norm making, is relatively more tilting toward the free trade tendency focusing on market opening, while China takes more protectionist stance setting a high value on raising its infant digital industry. Those ideas are reflected into the digital trade agreements from the U.S. and China as well as their domestic policies and domestic laws. First of all, the Trade in Service Agreement (TiSA) that the U.S. concluded and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) that the U.S. designed put an emphasis on autonomy of private sectors and contain free trade norms of WTO such as non-discrimination principles, improvement of market access, support for fair competition and transparency principles. On the other hand, in terms of China, the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) led by China holds the WTO’s free trade norms in a soft language or shows the protectionism aspect by leaving out the non-discrimination principles of WTO, which is the basic concept of free trade. Meanwhile, aside from the U.S. and China-led multilateral trade agreements, the research takes a look into the Digital Economy Partnership Agreement (DEPA), which was concluded by Singapore, New Zealand and Chile in 2020 in order to promote digital trade and set a framework for the digital economy. DEPA is meaningful because it officially broadens the range of digital agreements, and comes up with more comprehensive norms than before, providing the communication window to quickly respond to the uprising issues. However, if it fails to embrace the U.S. or China as its member, the significance of the regime can be underestimated. Moreover, the fact that DEPA excludes the non-discrimination principle from subjects of the dispute settlement procedure weakens the binding effect of itself. Nevertheless, this confrontation between the U.S. and China in digital trade norm making seems temporary. Because China expects to nurture its infant digital industry enough to have a competitive advantage in the long term, China would change its attitude toward free trade in order to penetrate into foreign markets, resulting in the free trade cooperation in the future. In other words, in the end, when digital industry develops enough to open its market and find outer markets, individual states would adjust interests among them and would form a global consensus on free trade norms such as non-discrimination, market access, fair competition and transparency in digital trade. As a result, the existing WTO system as multilateral free trade norms plays the supporting role for digital free trade norms. If digital trade norms make use of the existing WTO system in order to consolidate its free trade system, it can minimize the cost of building a new system. In particular, regarding that the WTO Dispute Settlement Body (DSB) has implemented a binding effect in the WTO system by inducing member states to follow the WTO norms, digital free trade norms based on the WTO system can maximize the benefits of dispute settlement infrastructure of DSB. At the same time, the WTO system also needs to take more flexible attitude in line with the new global norms. Especially regarding the dispute settlement, it is difficult to apply the existing the like product judgement of non-discrimination principle and individual states have made the exceptions in the digital trade agreements, showing that they do not want to bring disputes on non-discriminatory treatments to the dispute settlement regime. Therefore, WTO also needs to design more elaborate dispute settlement procedure adequate to digital trade and makes efforts such as gradual implementation of the dispute settlement procedure. This adjustment can help WTO reinforce its binding effects, which other agreements are not equipped with.1. Introduction 9 1.1. Study Background and Purpose 9 1.2. Study Method and Outline 11 2. Theoretical and Historical Background 13 2.1. Theoretical Background 13 2.2. Digital Trade and its Rise 17 2.3. Digital Trade under the WTO System 22 2.4. Digital Policy Direction of the U.S. and China 25 3. International Agreements in Digital Trade 30 3.1. The U.S. Digital-Centered Approach: Toward Free Trade System 30 3.2. China’s Trade-Centered Approach: Toward Protectionism 33 3.3. DEPA as an Advocate for Consistent Cooperation 35 3.4. Comparison of Attitudes of the U.S. and China 37 4. The Relation between Digital Trade Norms and the World Trade Orgainzation Norms 39 4.1. Relation between the Digital Trade Rule Makers 39 4.2. Limitations of DEPA: Members as Small Economies and Binding Effect 42 4.3. The Ongoing Digital Norm-Making and WTO Norms 43 5. Conclusion: Progressive Liberalization in Digital Trade 47 Bibliography 49 Abstract in Korean 54석

Experimental Investigation of Flow Characteristics in a Confluent Channel with Bed Elevation Difference

학위논문 (석사)-- 서울대학교 대학원 : 건설환경공학부, 2013. 8. 서일원.Changes of the river morphology at the river confluence became a big issue nowadays. The large-scale dredging at the main streams as a part of the Four Major River Restoration Project led to the bed elevation difference between the tributary and main streams. This may induce headward erosion and the stronger secondary flow motion at the confluence. Dredging to secure water induces headward erosion and sudden increase of the tributary discharge takes the detention at the confluence. The most previous studies of experiments were performed without considering the bed elevation difference between main and tributary channels. The purpose of this study is to investigate confluent flow by analyzing flow mechanism at junction with bed elevation difference. Velocity components at confluence with bed elevation difference were measured in the hydraulic model experiment. The confluent channel was designed with data from the Nakdong River in Korea. In this experiment, three dimensional velocity components were measured using micro-ADV, and they were analyzed in depth to reveal flow and turbulent characteristics at the confluence. The measured u-v vector fields show the flow characteristics of the confluence near surface. Comparing the u-v vector fields with the discharge ratio, the bed elevation difference and the confluent angle, the lateral momentum of the tributary flow entity was found to be an important factor to induce the separation zone. As the lateral momentum of the tributary flow entity is greater, the entity angle is larger and the separation zone is wider. By analyzing the v-w vector fields and the vorticity contours, how the surface water of the tributary affects the evolution of the secondary flow. Because of the bed elevation difference, the surface momentum of the tributary flow force to rotate the upper part water of the main channel. The surface water of the tributary is approaching the right side wall of the main channel and the clockwise circulation starts. This flow mechanism can be defined as the down flow. The down flow results in the evolution of the secondary flow. The turbulent kinetic energy (TKE) and the Reynolds shear stress were calculated at confluence. Both the turbulent kinetic energy and the Reynolds shear stress developed at the confluence and dissipated at the downstream. The analysis of the turbulent kinetic energy and the Reynolds shear stress at the confluence showed that, the region of turbulent motion is bigger with the greater discharge ratio and the increased bed elevation difference. The regression analysis of the relative turbulent kinetic energy revealed that, among many hydraulic and geometric parameters, both the confluence angle and velocity ratio were main factors to the TKE. As these factors increase, then TKE increase monotomically.Chapter 1 Introduction 1.1 Research Backgounrds and Necessities 1.2 Objectives and Methodology Chapter 2 Theoretical Backgrounds 2.1 Secondary Currents in Confluence 2.2 Separation zone Chapter 3 Hydraulic Experiments 3.1 Physical Models and Similitude 3.1.1 Theory of Similitude 3.1.2 Distorted Model 3.2 Experimental Facilities 3.2.1 Confluent Channel and Water Supply 3.2.2 Auto Traverse System 3.2.3 Micro-ADV 3.3 Experimental Cases 3.3.1 Object Region 3.3.2 Conditions of Discharge and Water Level 3.3.3 Conditions of Confluent Channel with Bed elevation difference Chapter 4 Experimental Results 4.1 Separation Zone 4.2 Secondary Flow 4.2.1 Flow Field 4.2.2 Vorticity 4.2.3 Turbulent Kinetic Energy 4.2.4 Reynolds Shear Stress 4.2.5 Relative Turbulent Kinetic Energy Chapter 5 Conclusion and Future Study 5.1 Summary and Conclusion 5.2 Future Study Reference Abstract in Korean Appendix A.1 Experimental Results A.2 The Matlab Code A.2.1 Averaging the instantaneous velocity data A.2.2 Plotting the time averaged velocitiesMaste

The diversity of democracy and publicness: a focus on regime approaches

이 논문은 2009년 한국행정학회 동계학술대회 발표논문을 수정하였음.이 연구는 생산레짐, 복지레짐, 정치레짐에 대한 논의를 통해 민주주의와 공공성의 연관성에 대해 고찰해보고자 한다. 민주화 이후의 한국의 절차적/실질적 민주주의는 위기를 맞고 있다. 대의제 민주주의의 핵심기제인 정당체제가 사회의 다양한 균열을 제대로 반영하지 못하고 있는 가운데, 불평등 및 양극화의 심화는 실질적 민주주의에 대한 중요성을 다시금 환기시켜주고 있다. 선진 복지자본주의에서 구현된 공공성은 각 국가들의 정치적 혹은 사회/경제적 차원의 민주화 정도에 따라 다양한 모습을 띠고 있다. 이에 본 연구는 공공성이 실질적으로 구체화된 내용을 실질적 민주주의로 파악하고자 하며 이는 생산레짐과 복지레짐을 통해, 공공성이 절차적으로 구현되는 방식은 절차적 민주주의를 중심으로 논의하고자 하며 이는 정치레짐을 통해 살펴볼 것이다. 아울러 레짐의 유형에 따라서 공공성이 구체화된 정도 및 구현되는 메커니즘에 차이가 있음을 주목하면서 선진국 사례가 우리에게 주는 시사점을 도출시키고자 한다. This study aims to investigate the relationship between the diversity of democracy and publicness by highlighting the different types of production regimes, welfare regimes, and political regimes. Despite the 1987 democratization, Korea is now facing a crisis in both formal and substantive democracy. Given that party politics as a core component of representative democracy has failed to aggregate and represent various social interests and segments of civil society, Korea has experienced a precipitous decline in voter turnout. Furthermore, worsening poverty, inequality, and polarization even after the successful transition to procedural democracy have revitalized the importance of achieving substantive democracy. In advanced capitalist democracies, there are varying ways in ensuring publicness, depending on the quality of democracy at the political or socio-economic levels. Accordingly, this study analyzes different features of publicness in terms of the main institutional configurations of various regimes and their implications for the Korean case. To this end, attention is paid to the role of the state and publicness in restoring Koreas staggering democracy against the prevailing ideology of small government based on neo-liberalism