Habermas, the Public Sphere, and the Creation of a Racial Counterpublic

In The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, Jürgen Habermas documented the historical emergence and fall of what he called the bourgeois public sphere, which he defined as “[a] sphere of private people come together as a public . . . to engage [public authorities] in a debate over the general rules governing relations in the basically privatized but publicly relevant sphere of commodity exchange and social labor.” This was a space where individuals gathered to discuss with each other, and sometimes with public officials, matters of shared concern. The aim of these gatherings was not simply discourse; these gatherings allowed the bourgeoisie to use their reason to determine the boundaries of public and private and to self-consciously develop the public sphere. As Habermas writes, “[t]he medium of this political confrontation was . . . people’s public use of their reason.” The bourgeois public didn’t simply participate, but it did so both directly and critically. The development of the bourgeois public as a critical, intellectual public took place in coffeehouses, in salons, and table societies. In Great Britain, Germany, and France, particularly, the coffeehouses and the salons “were centers of criticism—literary at first, then also political—in which began to emerge, between aristocratic society and bourgeois intellectuals, a certain parity of the educated.” Intellectual equals came together and deliberated, an equality that was key in ensuring the requisite openness and deliberation. No one person dominated the discussion due to his status within the deliberative community. Instead, and above all else, the “power of the better argument” won out. Two conditions were critical to these deliberations. First, equality was key to the public sphere. Membership in the public sphere meant that no one person was above the other and all arguments were similarly treated and scrutinized. Second, the principle of universal access was crucial.8The doors of the deliberative space were open to all comers and no group or person was purposefully shut out. Seen together, these two conditions provide a blueprint for deliberative practices in a democratic society

"A comparative analysis of the political economies and ideologies underlying the emergence of the Palestinian Hamas and the Algerian FIS"

This paper examines the political-economy and cultural dynamics and discourses underlying the emergence of the Palestinian Hamas and the Algerian Islamic Salvation Front. Both movements emerged in the late 1980s as responses to continuing (neo) colonial conditions in their countries. I explore to what extent the various processes commonly referred to as “globalization,” both the world-wide economic transformations epitomized by post-fordism on the macro/system level and neo-liberal structural adjustment programs within countries, and—perhaps more important—its cultural dynamics contributed to the rise and power of both movements. I examine the socio-economic situation in Algeria and Palestine-Israel during the 1980s and link it to the politics developments in both countries. Next I review the events behind the founding of both movements and the main components of their ideologies and strategies. Finally I explore their arguments to determine whether the political-economic or cultural pressures unleashed by globalization were the determining factor in their emergence and ideological development. I conclude by comparing the two case studies to determine if there are common threads that can serve as the basis for a region-wide investigation of the role of globalization in the emergence and/or rise to social hegemony of Islamist movements in other MENA countries

On Law and the Transition to Market: The Case of Egypt

On the eve of independence from European colonialism, Egypt, like most other developing countries, undertook the project of de-linking itself from colonial economy by initiating domestic industrialization. The economic project known as Import Substitution Industrialization (“ISI”) was designed to liberate Egypt from raw commodity production--specifically, agricultural and mineral--servicing its previous colonial master, Great Britain. The engine of development would be an expanding public sector with nationalization and socialism as leitmotifs. In re-orienting the economy towards industrial production, Egypt hoped that the terms of trade with the international economy would significantly improve, thereby leading to an improvement in the living standards of its population. And, like most other developing countries (with *352 the exception of the East Asian Tigers), Egypt failed. A symptom of its failure was a severe debt crisis that hurled Egypt into the brutal embrace of the International Financial Institutions (“IFIs”): the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (“IMF”). To be rescued from its debt crisis, Egypt had to concede to the neo-liberal economic program of these institutions, otherwise known as the Washington Consensus. The program aimed to improve Egypt\u27s capacity to repay its debts to international creditors by: re-linking it to the global economy via trade liberalization and through the re-regulation of its domestic economy to be more market oriented with the private sector, henceforth, being the engine. And like most other debtor-countries, Egypt had to go through an austerity program to improve its savings

CIS Countries' Interests vis-a-vis the European Union and Its Eastern Policy

The CIS countries' EU-related interests are very heterogeneous. The countries themselves differ not only in terms of their geopolitical and geo-economic situations, and how those affect their relations with the EU, but also in their levels of ambition in relation to the Union, as well as their specific sectoral interests. Some Eastern Partners have set full EU membership as their strategic goal; others want to enjoy the benefits of the common free market, and the ambitions of others are limited to developing cooperation in selected areas. Similarly, the EU's policy towards its Eastern neighbourhood is multi-level and very diverse, considering as it must the different characters of mutual relations. The EU and most of its Eastern partners have a sufficient number of common or converging interests to expect reasonable cooperation between the two sides to develop and deepen. However, serious challenges and problems exist that may prevent this positive scenario from being realised.ENP, CIS countries, EU

Design, characterization, and fabrication of solar-retroreflective cool-wall materials

Raising urban albedo increases the fraction of incident sunlight returned to outer space, cooling cities and their buildings. We evaluated the angular distribution of solar radiation incident on exterior walls in 17 U S. climates to develop performance parameters for solar-retroreflective walls, then applied first-principle physics and ray-tracing simulations to explore designs. Our analysis indicates that retroreflective walls must function at large incidence angles to reflect a substantial portion of summer sunlight, and that this will be difficult to attain with materials that rely on total internal reflection. Gonio-spectrophotometer measurements of the solar spectral bi-directional reflectivity of a bicycle reflector showed little to no retroreflection at large incidence angles. Visual comparisons of retroreflection to specular first-surface reflection for four different retroreflective safety films using violet and green lasers suggest their retroreflection to be no greater than 0.09 at incidence angles up to 45°, and no greater than 0.30 at incidence angles of up to 70°. Attempts to produce a two-surface retroreflector with orthogonal mirror grooves by cutting and polishing an aluminum block indicate that residual surface roughness impedes retroreflection. Ongoing efforts focus on forming orthogonal surfaces with aluminized Mylar film, a material with very high specular reflectance across the solar spectrum. We investigated (1) folding or stamping a free film; (2) adhering the film to a pre-shaped substrate; or (3) attaching the film to a flat ductile substrate, then shaping. The latter two methods were more successful but yielded imperfect right angles