Social Capital in Power Networks: A Case Study of Affordable Housing Development in Winston-Salem, NC

This research unifies studies on macro- and micro-level relationships regarding changes in city-level partnerships and changes in social capital, or ties between community members. Social capital, a concept popularized by Robert Putnam, is often studied apart from issues of power, but power is a crucial component in other constructions of the term (most notably, the work of Pierre Bourdieu). This study uses Putnam’s conceptualization of social capital by using the survey instrument he commissioned, the Social Capital Benchmark Survey (SCBS), to measure social capital across communities. However, this study embeds this data in a city’s power relations, using interviews and document review to determine how relationships and partnerships changed among the city’s powerful. Winston-Salem, NC provides an ideal case study due to its moderate-city size and local investments to grow social capital. The city is studied over two years, 2000 and 2006, for general changes in social capital, intra-sector changes, and diversity within the affordable housing industry. Ultimately, the research suggests that overall growth in social capital will produce more productive partnerships among the powerful, and that sectors governing the spaces with social capital growth will obtain more control and leverage in their partnerships. Weaknesses in social capital, which for Winston-Salem include measures of intolerance, can be noticed within cross-sector relationships as well. The research suggests that changes in social capital are manifested at the leadership level, however increasing social capital in Winston-Salem only strengthened the existing power hierarchies in place, and did little to increase community involvement in decision making

Reform Where Is Thy Victory? :A Study of the Reform Efforts in Summit, Allegheny and Cuyahoga Counties

Reform is a concept that public administration has struggled to define since its inception. The corruption crisis in Cuyahoga County led the region to vote to implement a home-rule government, and replace the three commissioner system with a single county executive and an eleven-member county council under the guise of reform. In addition, Allegheny and Summit Counties each previously implemented similar executive-council elected reform governments for reasons akin to Cuyahoga. Reform efforts are often the product of crises in the government process, and open doors for researching the process of how power works, is implemented, co-opted and consolidated. These events afforded researchers opportunities for studying if merely structural reform took place or if a deeper reform occurred, and what were the elements that determined if structural or a deeper reform occurred. This Dissertation used Clarence Stone\u27s Urban Regime Theory and Jon Pierre\u27s Urban Governance Theory as frameworks in order to study how some elite actors viewed their reform efforts. The questions explored were the following: Was their region\u27s reform was a change in structure only, as there were more unelected row positions and new positions but the operations, governance and leadership operated as in the past? Was their regions reform effort a deeper government reform, where there was more accountability, transparency, efficiency, sustainability, inclusion, checks-and balances and ethical behavior? Public Administration still struggles with defining reform, and this qualitative study looks at the perceptions held by those elite actors as to their views pertaining to what transpired in their region. The study looked at the perceptions of reform held by those who were interviewed through an interpretative lens. As this was an interpretive study, research questions were generated and analyzed with the understanding that there are limitations on drawing inference from the collected data. However, one can ascertain that there are factors t

Reform Where Is Thy Victory? :A Study of the Reform Efforts in Summit, Allegheny and Cuyahoga Counties

Reform is a concept that public administration has struggled to define since its inception. The corruption crisis in Cuyahoga County led the region to vote to implement a home-rule government, and replace the three commissioner system with a single county executive and an eleven-member county council under the guise of reform. In addition, Allegheny and Summit Counties each previously implemented similar executive-council elected reform governments for reasons akin to Cuyahoga. Reform efforts are often the product of crises in the government process, and open doors for researching the process of how power works, is implemented, co-opted and consolidated. These events afforded researchers opportunities for studying if merely structural reform took place or if a deeper reform occurred, and what were the elements that determined if structural or a deeper reform occurred. This Dissertation used Clarence Stone\u27s Urban Regime Theory and Jon Pierre\u27s Urban Governance Theory as frameworks in order to study how some elite actors viewed their reform efforts. The questions explored were the following: Was their region\u27s reform was a change in structure only, as there were more unelected row positions and new positions but the operations, governance and leadership operated as in the past? Was their regions reform effort a deeper government reform, where there was more accountability, transparency, efficiency, sustainability, inclusion, checks-and balances and ethical behavior? Public Administration still struggles with defining reform, and this qualitative study looks at the perceptions held by those elite actors as to their views pertaining to what transpired in their region. The study looked at the perceptions of reform held by those who were interviewed through an interpretative lens. As this was an interpretive study, research questions were generated and analyzed with the understanding that there are limitations on drawing inference from the collected data. However, one can ascertain that there are factors t

The Triumph of Tokenism: The Voting Rights Act and the Theory of Black Electoral Success

In this article, my goal is to organize the divergent themes of black electoral success strategy within one conceptual framework in order to give the themes more cogency and attention. Having exposed the existence of a coherent theory, I then argue that the theory posits many of the correct goals but fails to provide a realistic mechanism for achieving them. The article proceeds in three Parts. In Part I, I develop the ideological and statutory roots of black electoral success theory. In Part II, I analyze the inadequacies of current voting rights litigation and its failure to realize the statute\u27s original goals. I conclude in Part II by arguing that contemporary preoccupation with black electoral success stifles rather than empowers black political participation for three reasons. In Part III, based on my critique of the black electoral success theory, I put forth suggestions for a different approach to voting rights reform. Relying on what I tentatively call proportionate interest representation for self-identified communities of interest, I propose to reconsider the ways in which representatives are elected and the rules under which legislative decisions are made

Religion and regionalism : congregants, culture and city-county consolidation in Louisville, Kentucky.

Literature on religious involvement in public affairs typically examines the national scene, particularly public opinion and political behavior in presidential elections. Few scholars examine religious actors in urban politics and policymaking. Those who do study local politics emphasize morality policy and ignore issues of metropolitan governance and institutional design, central concerns of the urban politics field. This dissertation fills that gap by studying Louisville, Kentucky, site of the first large-scale city-county consolidation since 1969. I ask: does religion affect how people vote in a consolidation referendum and shape their opinions about merged government? I employ a survey instrument (N=807), collected randomly across Louisville Metro in 2006, and use multiple linear and binary logistic regression to predict religiosity, “culture war” stances, and consolidation referendum participation and support. I control for socio-economic status, demographics, residence, and political ideology. I operationalize religion as a variable in two ways: as a factor score index measuring level of religiosity, combining behavior, belief, and salience items; and as religious affiliation, predominately Roman Catholic and Southern Baptist in Louisville. I also employ the 2006 General Social Survey for comparison with the nation and several additional religion databases to better understand Louisville’s religious ecology. I find that religiosity did not significantly affect one’s turnout or vote but is positively related to opinions of the merged government. Religious affiliation did not significantly affect turnout but significantly affected one’s vote and opinions. Regression results show that Catholics were 37 percent more likely to support consolidation than Southern Baptists. I downplay theories that differences over redistribution to central cities and political trust may be driving differences over consolidation. I posit a theory labeled “polity replication” based in the institutional and organizational theory and sociology of religion literatures. I argue that participation in a religious denomination’s organizational structure conditions members to prefer similar structures in other societal institutions. Two forms of metropolitan governance, monocentrism and polycentrism, parallel the poles of church polity (i.e., denominational governance): episcopal/centralized (Catholic) and congregational/decentralized (Baptist). In conclusion, I present recommendations and implications for research, religious practice, and politics/policymaking

Cities in Crisis: How the Bureaucratic Politics of Public Health and Safety Shape the American Experience

Across the United States, citizens are directly impacted each day by the policies and programs adopted by local governments. Municipal governance in the United States is conducted by elected and administrative officials, who conduct themselves similarly to officials at other levels of government. Developing and utilizing an adapted theoretical framework based on the theories of bureaucratic politics, social construction, and policy feedback, this project asks: how do municipal bureaucrats and local politicians respond to crises of public health and safety in their jurisdictions, and to what extent do those responses mitigate or exacerbate the crises in question? Using data collected from observations, interviews, and publicly available city council meeting minutes, this study delineates the steps taken to adapt an established theoretical framework through rigorous qualitative inquiry including content analysis, mini-ethnography, and stories for research. Further, formal propositions concerning the anticipated priorities, values, and actions of local bureaucrats and politicians are proposed, and specific conclusions are presented that demonstrate the validity of those propositions. Finally, a larger research agenda is proposed, focused on refining and exploring the adapted theoretical framework through case studies, as well as qualitative and quantitative analyses

The role of regional development policies in local economic development : the case of Arriyadh, Saudi Arabia

PhD ThesisThis research was initially concerned with the delivery of balanced development to localities from central development planning and strategies. The scope of the study targeted the regional level as a medium that may facilitate the delivery of development, and as an instrument for national development planning to reach localities. The aim of the research was to make recommendations on optimizing regional instruments for the spatial allocation of development resources in Saudi Arabia. The research is centred on Saudi Arabia. The critical studies of spatial development in this country have revealed the current situation, of a central planning system that is organized in a governance structure that assigns to regional bodies the basic role of progressing socioeconomic development. The studies are in almost complete agreement regarding the absence of an active role for regional planning, which is supposed to complement national policies and allow them to be delivered to localities. This has confirmed the need for in-depth investigation into the role of regional level intervention in facilitating local development. Intellectual studies undertaken have been based on regional development theories as well as regional development planning and policy. These studies formulated a conceptual framework for the research, which has emphasized the necessity of detailing the enquiry on regional development to be inclusive and to reflect actual local conditions. This includes the setting of factors for local economic production and the platform upon which the processes of development take place. They should be arranged to allow for the outcomes of economic development to reach all spaces and utilising all sectors, which takes place through the governance system. Accordingly this research has included an empirical enquiry, with interviews to gather detailed information regarding the practice of development in the field and to uncover the difficulties and deficiencies as perceived by the practitioners. The interviewees comprised key officials of the main governance and development institutions on national, regional and local levels. Arriyadh region was selected for this mission, including the Almajmaah County as representative of its localities. The study has produced results around two major foci: the first studying and analysing the current establishment and instruments for delivering regional development policies, the second exploring the institutional structures through which the available development resources are utilised in the planning system and activities: currently and prospectively. The results have revealed a lack of coherence in the governance system which has led to the disintegration of the institutional network in the country. The governance structure appears to lack the balanced distribution of devolution, administratively and financially. It also ignores the development of human resources in a way that reflects real needs and intended outcomes. Thus, the research confirms the need for a more coherent institutional arrangement at each spatial level and on the governance structure existing between the various spatial levels, while remaining consistent with the political system. The end result should be more autonomy for regional authorities, while maintaining national consistency.King Saud Universit

Stadspolitik i Malmö : Politikens meningsskapande och materialitet

In international research there is a near consensus that the importance of cities is growing. As the policymakers of contemporary cities redirect their policy orientations away from the goal of redistribution towards achieving economic competitiveness, and as they introduce new structures of governance, they are becoming more and more committed to entrepreneurial city politics. However, both the international and Nordic research communities have shown little interest in studying whether these trends are viable in a Nordic context. Thus, through a case study of the city of Malmö, this doctoral dissertation explores the introduction of entrepreneurial city politics in a Swedish setting. Malmö is a former flagship for the Social Democratic ‘welfare city’ and a city that now is undergoing a process of politico-economic transformation. Theoretically, the author develops a framework for the analysis of policy-making in general and how cities turn towards urban entrepreneurialism in particular. ‘The Lancaster School of Cultural Political Economy’ is applied and redeveloped through interpretative policy analysis, urban regime theory and the politics of scale approach. Taken together, these traditions represent the basis for the conceptualization of politics within the dissertation. The author proposes an understanding of politics as practiced through an interplay of discursive and material processes and beyond the processes traditionally associated with a narrow ‘government-based’ conceptualization of politics. A framework is constructed to analyze how discourses, such as the discourse on the necessity of cities being entrepreneurial, are translated into political practice through three different moments. The moments of ‘selection’, ‘actors mobilizing discourse-coalitions’ and ‘institutionalization’ structure the empirical analysis of city politics in Malmö. The author demonstrates how key actors create, mediate and translate the discourse on urban entrepreneurialism to fit the actual (previously welfare oriented) context of local government. Powerful coalitions of various actors are mobilized around three different ‘micro-discourses’ that materialize into institutional, organizational and political practice. As a result of the analysis, the author reveals six different technologies of institutionalization which actors employ and which are essential for the practice of entrepreneurial city politics in Malmö. The overall aim of the dissertation is to contribute to the on-going re-conceptualization of politics in general and local politics in particular. Political scientists tend to treat local politics as equal to ‘sub-national municipal politics’, i.e. as politics defined in relation to the central state, mainly concerned with service delivery and occurring within the formal decision-making processes of local government. In contrast, the author argues that we need to rethink local politics and that such a task of re-conceptualization is especially urgent in a Nordic context, where the idea of ‘municipal politics’ has functioned as “an iron-grip on political imagination”. In the final section the theoretical framework developed within the dissertation is proposed as one way of rethinking local politics. The author also discusses why the presence of entrepreneurial city politics challenges the traditional organization and orientation of local politics in Sweden. Conclusions are drawn regarding our understanding of politics in general and some remarks on a future research agenda centered on the cultural political economy of contemporary city politics are given

A Framework for Creating a Campus Culture of Compassion: A Participatory Action Research Approach to Equality

The presence of students with disabilities on university campuses is steadily increasing; however, their total integration and inclusion into campus life has not been as successful (Merchant & Gajar, 1997; Promis, et al., 2001). Canadian students with disabilities continue to be marginalized within universities, mainly because a framework for inclusion has not been firmly established (Promis et al., 2001). Although universities offer services to support academic success, other facets of campus life offered to the general student population, such as recreation or athletics, are often neglected for students with disabilities. These aspects of student life should not be considered trivial as they have many benefits and can enhance a person’s experiences and quality of life at university (Ashton-Shaeffer et al., 2001; Blinde & McLung, 1997; Blinde & Taub, 1999; Promis et al., 2001). Guided by critical disability theory and the concept of embodiment, this dissertation used a participatory action research approach that united key partners from the University of Guelph community in order to examine issues around accessibility and inclusion of students with disabilities in campus recreational and athletic opportunities. The team included representatives from the University’s Centre for Students with Disabilities and the Department of Athletics, an undergraduate student with a disability, and two university alumni. The ultimate goal was to develop a planning framework to guide universities in supporting the human rights and inclusion of students with disabilities in extra-curricular campus life. Interviews were conducted with five research team members and 18 University of Guelph stakeholders, including: students with and without disabilities, staff members from the Department of Athletics and the Centre for Students with Disabilities, faculty members, and senior administrators. A focus group was also held to share findings and generate feedback on a preliminary draft of the framework. What emerged from data analysis of the interviews, the focus group, team meetings, and journal entries was the development of a framework for Creating a Campus Culture of Compassion. This framework identifies how universities can implement programs, policies, services and practices that better respond to the changing and diverse needs and interests of students with disabilities in order to ensure their full engagement in all areas of campus life. The framework centres around six guiding principles that help guide universities toward developing a campus culture that is compassionate. Essentially, a campus culture of compassion values: (a) access for all; (b) diversity and uniqueness; (c) interdependence and social responsibility; (d) diverse knowledge basis, voices, and perspectives; (e) the power of learning and education as a tool for social change; and (f) the whole person. The framework also indicates three fundamental characteristics that a campus culture of compassion must possess. In essence, post-secondary institutions and their community members must be: (a) interconnected, (b) supportive and enabling, and (c) informed. Six process pieces are included in the framework which enables a campus culture of compassionate to be fuelled and sustained over time. These pieces include: (a) creating a vision for the future, (b) constructing a plan to achieve the vision, (c) securing funds to put the plan in place, (d) thinking critically and measuring actions against the vision, (e) being proactive to make change happen, and (f) reaching beyond compliance. The framework encourages university stakeholders to collectively reflect, dialogue, and collaborate in order to create broader systemic changes. These changes are necessary since constraints to campus engagement can threaten a student’s well-being and sense of self. This framework can serve as a starting point to initiate these conversations and inspire universities to use a participatory approach to encourage positive social change within the university context

The urban politics of housing renewal in transitional Shanghai: Reassessing the Chinese pro-growth coalition perspective.

From the 1990s, market-oriented housing renewal took off at extraordinary pace across Chinese cities, modernising the built environment and displacing millions of residents in the process. One prevailing view is that this has been driven by a "growth coalition" of local government and private businesses with the goal of maximising economic potentials through the intensification of land-use. This thesis examines the evolving policies and practices of urban housing renewal in Shanghai since 1990. It questions whether the above perspective adequately captures the underlying socio-political dynamics at work. Through a comprehensive review of housing policies, interviews and analyses of contrasting case studies, it demonstrates that housing renewal had entailed a more diverse set of policies and mechanisms than commonly depicted. Beyond private-funded redevelopment and displacement, local governments have promoted some socially-oriented schemes, as well as recently supporting the piecemeal gentrification of neighbourhoods. This research shows that it is useful to move beyond a monolithic conception of the Chinese growth coalition. The local government plays an increasingly dualistic role in housing renewal. Beyond its core concern to facilitate economic growth and 'global city' building through comprehensive redevelopment, it has evolved socially- oriented housing policies, enlarged market regulation, and made concessions to disadvantaged groups in the interest of maintaining social harmony. Property developers were not a homogenous profit-seeking group in Shanghai's urban growth-coalition. Various quasi-governmental enterprises played a role in delivering socially-oriented projects under bureaucratic command of the local government. Finally, although grass roots actors are politically excluded, their cumulative actions including neighbourhood rehabilitation and protests can sometimes influence policies and urban planning decisions