7,633 research outputs found

    The polysemy of the words that children learn over time

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    Here we study polysemy as a potential learning bias in vocabulary learning in children. We employ a massive set of transcriptions of conversations between children and adults in English, to analyze the evolution of mean polysemy in the words produced by children whose ages range between 10 and 60 months. Our results show that mean polysemy in children increases over time in two phases, i.e. a fast growth till the 31st month followed by a slower tendency towards adult speech. In contrast, no dependency with time is found in adults. This may suggest that children have a preference for non-polysemous words in their early stages of vocabulary acquisition. Our hypothesis is twofold: (a) polysemy is a standalone bias or (b) polysemy is a side-effect of other biases. Interestingly, the bias for low polysemy above weakens when controlling by syntactic category (noun, verb, adjective or adverb). The pattern of the evolution of polysemy suggests that both hypotheses may apply to some extent, and that (b) would originate from a combination of the well-known preference for nouns and the lower polysemy of nouns with respect to other syntactic categories.Peer ReviewedPostprint (author's final draft

    Investigating social interaction strategies for bootstrapping lexicon development

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    This paper investigates how different modes of social interactions influence the bootstrapping and evolution of lexicons. This is done by comparing three language game models that differ in the type of social interactions they use. The simulations show that the language games which use either joint attention or corrective feedback as a source of contextual input are better capable of bootstrapping a lexicon than the game without such directed interactions. The simulation of the latter game, however, does show that it is possible to develop a lexicon without using directed input when the lexicon is transmitted from generation to generation

    The knowing ear : an Australian test of universal claims about the semantic structure of sensory verbs and their extension into the domain of cognition

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    In this paper we test previous claims concerning the universality of patterns of polysemy and semantic change in perception verbs. Implicit in such claims are two elements: firstly, that the sharing of two related senses A and B by a given form is cross-linguistically widespread, and matched by a complementary lack of some rival polysemy, and secondly that the explanation for the ubiquity of a given pattern of polysemy is ultimately rooted in our shared human cognitive make-up. However, in comparison to the vigorous testing of claimed universals that has occurred in phonology, syntax and even basic lexical meaning, there has been little attempt to test proposed universals of semantic extension against a detailed areal study of non-European languages. To address this problem we examine a broad range of Australian languages to evaluate two hypothesized universals: one by Viberg (1984), concerning patterns of semantic extension across sensory modalities within the domain of perception verbs (i .e. intra-field extensions), and the other by Sweetser (1990), concerning the mapping of perception to cognition (i.e. trans-field extensions). Testing against the Australian data allows one claimed universal to survive, but demolishes the other, even though both assign primacy to vision among the senses
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