P for Political: Participation is Not Enough

Is participatory design outdated in Scandinavia? Many would say it is. Yet, as information Systems (IS) diffusion continues in familiar and new guises, IS researchers and developers face political dilemmas through the conduct of their work. These are precisely the original area of concern for the research area of Participatory Design (PD). How, then to make PD better reflect contemporary concerns? This paper argues the danger of complacency among Scandinavian IS researchers about the position and meaning of PD: Some researchers reject PD altogether; some who previously have contributed to PD speak of new circumstances making it harder or less relevant today. The paper critically examines a number of such arguments. In a world made “global” by information and communication technologies (ICTs), political concerns remain of the minds of many. PD must encompass work motivated in political conscience which is expressed through a range of approaches and conducted at multiple points throughout the processes of computer development and adoption, not only participatory design. In this sense, PD needs to become broader. Further, participatory design work which does not contribute to challenging patterns of dominance or understanding how to do so currently remain within PD. This is another problem for PD and in this sense the area needs to become more focused. In sum, PD must develop a stronger demand for analyses of societal/political/ethical consequences of ICT development, management, adoption or use. Thus, systems design would be one of several foci contributors might address. To indicate the range of new possibilities for activism, issues are suggested that might benefit from enquiry motivated in concern for dominated groups

Do youth juries enhance youth political and societal participation? Lessons from the Vaasa experiment

<p>The civic engagement of young people can be considered problematic in Finland. Still, the issue might be that youth actually are interested in politics and societal issues. They merely are not interested in the existing methods of political and societal participation. As a path forward the youth jury is tested in the Vaasa experiment. The underlying thought is that it would be something other than “politics as usual” and thus be more interesting to youth. So far only a few youth juries have been implemented and analyzed worldwide (e.g. Carson et. al. 2004; Iredale et. al. 2006). As a result Vaasa youth jury gives strong validity to the theoretical presumptions of youth juries. Participation into the youth jury was seen as a positive experience by many jurors. As a path forward on increasing youth involvement jurors underlined the possibilities of youth juries. Jurors also showed signs of positive attitudinal changes towards societal and political participation. However attitudinal change didn’t take place towards interest in positions of trusts. This can be seen as an indication that it is not that youth are passive and not interested, but that there are not possibilities to influence which would be stimulating enough for them.</p&gt

Environmental Citizenship and Youth Activism

The exercise of Environmental Citizenship is strongly associated with a citizen’s capacity to act in society as an agent of change (ENEC 2018), and this depends on the development of a person’s willingness and competence for a critical, active and democratic engagement in preventing and solving environmental problems. There is a call for a citizenry that is well informed and empowered to take appropriate actions on the seriousness of the environmental problems affecting our world (Gray et al. 2009; Hodson 2003). However, many citizens do not feel empowered enough to participate in decision-making processes regarding socio-environmental issues, and, at the same time, the faith and trust in politicians have decreased, and political apathy is gaining ground (Hodson 2014). Throughout the past decade, the surge in authoritarian government practices, the failure of popular movements to replace undemocratic regimes and the increase in populist movements all over the world are fuelling concerns about a possible ‘democratic recession’ (Diamond 2015). Part of the success of this movement has been credited to the failures in mobilising young people’s political participation (Schulz et al. 2018; Jackson et al. 2016). Civic engagement depends on students and their ‘motivation to participate in civic activities, their confidence in the effectiveness of their participation, and their beliefs about their own capacity to become actively involved’ (Schulz et al. 2018, p. 72). Research shows that a student’s civic engagement can be supported and encouraged by school, with the help of (1) open school climates, (2) democratic structures within schools and (3) early opportunities for active participation, the promotion of students’ civic knowledge and the predisposition to engage in civic activities in the future (Schulz et al. 2018; Pancer 2015; Roth and Barton 2004). Therefore, education represents a key element in counteracting low levels of civic engagement among young people, namely, through the promotion of democratic activism (Hodson 2014).info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersio

An Examination of Women\u27s Representation and Participation in Bicycle Advisory Committees in California, Research Report WP 11-03

In the United States, women bicycle at significantly lower rates than men. One method of remedying this disparity is to ensure that women are engaged in bicycle planning and policy making through, for example, participation in bicycle advisory committees (BACs). No research has been conducted on women’s representation and participation in these committees. This study attempts to fill that gap by examining women’s membership levels in and experiences serving on California bicycle advisory committees and bicycle/pedestrian advisory committees. In addition, we explore some of the barriers to participation faced by female cyclists. A survey of 42 committees revealed that women make up approximately 24% of members on an average bicycle (and pedestrian) advisory committee in California. Through focus group interviews with 24 women currently serving on BACs, several common themes emerged. Women on these committees are more likely than men to bring up women’s and children’s issues, and some aspects of the committees themselves may serve as barriers for women to become more involved. An online survey of 565 women cyclists in California provided insight regarding some of the common barriers women identify as reasons for not becoming involved with a BAC. Lack of awareness of the committees did not seem to be a barrier: 67% of respondents were aware of their local committee. Instead, barriers indentified by participants included: time; perceived lack of qualifications; lack of information about the committee; family and household responsibilities; and lack of interest. Recommendations to increase women’s representation on BACs include the following strategies: education about the committee; targeted recruitment efforts; and policy and procedural changes

He wharemoa te rakau, ka mahue. Maori engagement with local government: Knowledge, experiences and recommendations

This report presents the data, analysis and results of focus group research that explored Máori knowledge, experiences and perspectives of local government in Aotearoa New Zealand. Seven focus groups were held with different groups of Máori; 18 – 24 year olds in tertiary study; 18 – 24 year olds in the workforce; people 25 years old and over residing in rural areas, and people 25 years old and over living in urban settings. The purpose of this report is to present the research findings about the knowledge and experiences of Máori in relation to local government, and in particular, their recommendations for the development of the local government sector. It is intended to assist local authorities in their efforts to improve their engagement with Máori, and stimulate further research with Máori about Máori participation in local government decision-making.A research project supported by the Royal Society of New Zealand Marsden Fund (MAU-039

Democracy in schools, Dewey and the referendum on Scottish independence

Peer reviewedPublisher PD

An explanation of anomalous behavior in models of political participation

This paper characterizes behavior with “noisy” decision making for models of political interaction characterized by simultaneous binary decisions. Applications include: voting participation games, candidate entry, the volunteer's dilemma, and collective action problems with a contribution threshold. A simple graphical device is used to derive comparative statics and other theoretical properties of a “quantal response” equilibrium, and the resulting predictions are compared with Nash equilibria that arise in the limiting case of no noise. Many anomalous data patterns in laboratory experiments based on these games can be explained in this manner

Praying on Friday, voting on Sunday? Mosque attendance and voter turnout in three West European democracies

Several studies have demonstrated a positive association between regular church attendance and turning out to vote in established democracies. This paper examines whether the relationship holds for Muslims who regularly attend religious services. Using an original dataset of Muslim-origin citizens in Germany, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, I find that regular mosque attendance is indeed associated with higher likelihood to vote in national elections in Germany and the United Kingdom, while among Dutch Muslims turnout is positively associated with individual religiosity. I find evidence that the proposed association between regular mosque attendance and voting is mediated through the acquisition of relevant political information and stronger associational involvement. The paper provides an individual-level analysis complementing studies of country-level institutional particularities and group-level characteristics that are conducive to higher levels of turnout among Muslims. The findings dispel the myth that mosques are sites of civic alienation and self-segregation, but can, in fact, play the role of ‘schools of democracy

Examining the role of ideological and political education on university students' civic perceptions and civic participation in Mainland China: Some hints from contemporary citizenship theory

A long existing compulsive curriculum of ideological and political education is employed by the Chinese government to promote citizenship education among Chinese university students. This article builds on the findings of a mixed-methods research that examined the role of ideological and political education on university students’ civic perceptions and civic participation. The results showed little evidence of this curriculum having a clear effect on students’ political participation such as voting, as well as their idealized broad civic participation, but did reveal relatively positive effects on students’ civic intention and civic expression. In addition, it also identified its significant role in organizing students towards attending party-related activities. It shows that ideological and political education is insufficient to achieve specified aims of citizenship education among Chinese university students. We then argue that it results from a mechanistic understanding of citizenship and participation in educational policies and structural barriers to young people’s formal participation. Hence, this article argues that the forms and contents of citizenship education in China need to be reconsidered beyond the limits of the current ideological and political education and that the analyses contributed to an argument for a broader approach to citizenship education to be developed and adopted