Spartan Daily, December 14, 1942

Volume 31, Issue 50https://scholarworks.sjsu.edu/spartandaily/3530/thumbnail.jp

Extracting the Sivers function from polarized SIDIS data and making predictions

The most recent data on the weighted transverse single spin asymmetry $A_{UT}^{\sin(\phi_h-\phi_S)}$ from HERMES and COMPASS collaborations are analysed within LO parton model with unintegrated parton distribution and fragmentation functions; all transverse motions are taken into account, with exact kinematics, in the elementary interactions. The overall quality of the data is such that, for the first time, a rather well constrained extraction of the Sivers function for $u$ and $d$ quarks is possible and is performed. Comparisons with models are made. Based on the extracted Sivers functions, predictions for $A_{UT}^{\sin(\phi_h-\phi_S)}$ asymmetries at JLab are given; suggestions for further measurements at COMPASS, with a transversely polarized hydrogen target and selecting favourable kinematical ranges, are discussed. Predictions are also presented for Single Spin Asymmetries (SSA) in Drell-Yan processes at RHIC and GSI.Comment: 18 pages, 10 figures, version published in PRD, one figure and comments adde

Is it time for India's Rocket Force?

The future battlefield is likely to be largely contactless where unmanned warfare, stand-off weapons, and cyber and clandestine operations will take precedence over tank vs. tank or hand-to-hand combat. Towards this effort, all major countries are creating assets and organizations to consolidate their space assets, galvanize capabilities in the cyber domain, provide a new edge to their special forces, and fine-tune their hybrid warfare options. However, an equally important focus has been on boosting missile inventories and redefining its employment philosophy. Over the years there has been an alarming proliferation of missiles all across the globe, as the technology to build them has become increasingly prosaic; today 31 countries are known to be in possession of ballistic missiles. It is not without a reason that Ian Williams, a fellow at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) feels that “… we are entering an era of missile renaissance.” The missiles, today, are being increasingly envisioned for conventional use, leading to a serious rethinking of their employment

U.S.-China strategic dialogue, phase II: conference report

The U.S.-China Strategic Dialogue brought together Chinese and U.S. strategic experts in their personal capacities to discuss to the role of nuclear weapons in Sino-American relations with the aim of minimizing mutual misunderstanding and identifying practical steps for bilateral cooperation. Relatively open discussions on core nuclear issues were held, positive signs on a number of regional topics were visible, and promising avenues for future discussions emerged. The goal of this series of annual meetings has been to identify important misperceptions regarding each side's nuclear strategy and doctrine and highlight potential areas of cooperation or confidence building measures that might reduce such dangers. Beyond that, the conference aims to deepen American understanding of the way China views nuclear weapons, the domestic debates that shape those views, and the degree to which there is change in strategy, doctrine, and force posture in Beijing. Both of the first two meetings have focused their discussions on general perceptions of the utility of nuclear weapons, the nature of current nuclear strategy and operational concepts of each side, regional issues pertaining to nuclear weapons issues, and prospects for cooperation with regard to specific policy areas. (A conference report from the first meeting was published last year and is available from N.P.S. at either the FOUO or unclassified level from this author).Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited

U.S.-China strategic dialogue, phase II: conference report

The U.S.-China Strategic Dialogue brought together Chinese and U.S. strategic experts in their personal capacities to discuss to the role of nuclear weapons in Sino-American relations with the aim of minimizing mutual misunderstanding and identifying practical steps for bilateral cooperation. Relatively open discussions on core nuclear issues were held, positive signs on a number of regional topics were visible, and promising avenues for future discussions emerged. The goal of this series of annual meetings has been to identify important misperceptions regarding each side's nuclear strategy and doctrine and highlight potential areas of cooperation or confidence building measures that might reduce such dangers. Beyond that, the conference aims to deepen American understanding of the way China views nuclear weapons, the domestic debates that shape those views, and the degree to which there is change in strategy, doctrine, and force posture in Beijing. Both of the first two meetings have focused their discussions on general perceptions of the utility of nuclear weapons, the nature of current nuclear strategy and operational concepts of each side, regional issues pertaining to nuclear weapons issues, and prospects for cooperation with regard to specific policy areas. (A conference report from the first meeting was published last year and is available from N.P.S. at either the FOUO or unclassified level from this author).Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited

The Challenges of Nuclear Learning in South Asia

Published as a contributed paper for "Nuclear Learning in South Asia: The Next Decade" (2014).The sustainability of strategic stability in South Asia remains of the highest importance to U.S. national security policy. The South Asian Nuclear Learning project was accordingly conceived to examine the region’s nuclear experiences after the 1998 tests. The end of the first decade (1998-2008) represented a good starting point. Later, the project expanded to further analyze the nuclear learning curve in the next decade, when security environment and technological innovations undertook major shifts. The National Nuclear Security Administration sponsored this research, which involved selected scholars and experts from Pakistan, India and United States. Some of these contributors also helped shape their state’s nuclear decisions in the earlier period following the nuclear tests

Mixed Messages: Māori/Pasifika Masculinities and Aotearoa/New Zealand Identity in Television Advertising, 2000–2019

There is an ongoing association between masculinity and New Zealand identity which can be traced in popular culture and television advertising. Until the early 2000s, white (Pākehā) men/homosocial “Kiwi blokes” predominated but television advertising has since featured a steady increase in Māori/Pasifika men and boys, which also reflects their greater prominence in local popular culture (in comedy, for example). Similar to representations of African American men, Māori/Pasifika masculinities are subject to binary stereotyping: generally more positive in advertisements for commercial products and more negative in anti-drug public service advertisements. These categories relate to the incorporation of non-white subjects into colonial, patriarchal discourse (and shift according to its imperatives). One important shift internationally is the emergence of non-white fatherhood as a way of signalling ethnic diversity while also reaffirming colonial and neoliberal values. There is a related shift from the male “hard bodies” of the 1980s and 1990s towards a more relational, “softer” masculinity; locally, there is a shift away from the “hard” Kiwi bloke (or non-white sporting “warrior”) towards “postfeminist fatherhood.” This features kindly, often humorous paternalism and “magical” scenarios, including literal and metaphorical father/son relations, which may, in the local context, take on connotations of tāngata whenua welcoming manuhiri (Pākehā) into “their land.” A “progressive” discourse of positively imaging Māori/Pasifika men as implicit “fathers of the nation” (and clearly there is a slippage here between Māori and Pasifika through the use of ethnically ambiguous actors) justifies heteronormativity and reconfirms the homosocial emphasis in New Zealand identity as well as neoliberal values