The interaction of compositional semantics and event semantics

Davidsonian event semantics is often taken to form an unhappy marriage with compositional semantics. For example, it has been claimed to be problematic for semantic accounts of quantification (Beaver and Condoravdi, in: Aloni et al. (eds.) Proceedings of the 16th Amsterdam Colloquium, 2007), for classical accounts of negation (Krifka, in: Bartsch et al. (eds.) Semantics and contextual expression, 1989), and for intersective accounts of verbal coordination (Lasersohn, in Plurality, conjunction and events, 1995). This paper shows that none of this is the case, once we abandon the idea that the event variable is bound at sentence level, and assume instead that verbs denote existential quantifiers over events. Quantificational arguments can then be given a semantic account, negation can be treated classically, and coordination can be modeled as intersection. The framework presented here is a natural choice for researchers and fieldworkers who wish to sketch a semantic analysis of a language without being forced to make commitments about the hierarchical order of arguments, the argument-adjunct distinction, the default scope of quantifiers, or the nature of negation and coordination

Papers on predicative constructions : Proceedings of the workshop on secundary predication, October 16-17, 2000, Berlin

This volume presents a collection of papers touching on various issues concerning the syntax and semantics of predicative constructions. A hot topic in the study of predicative copula constructions, with direct implications for the treatment of he (how many he's do we need?), and wider implications for the theories of predication, event-based semantics and aspect, is the nature and source of the situation argument. Closer examination of copula-less predications is becoming increasingly relevant to all these issues, as is clearly illustrated by the present collection

A Szintaktikai Lokalitás Minimalista Megközelítése: A szintaktikai lokalitási feltételekért felelős nyelvi alrendszerek munkamegosztásának vizsgálata = A Minimalist Approach to Syntactic Locality: A study of the division of labour of linguistic subsystems underlying syntactic locality effects

A projekt a szintaxis és az azzal érintkező grammatikai komponensek munkamegosztását vizsgálta a mozgatási és polaritás engedélyezési függőségekben jelentkező szintaktikai lokalitási hatások területén. A projektnek a generatív grammatika mai, Minimalista kutatási programjába illeszkedő radikális tézise szerint a természetes nyelvi szintaxis egyáltalán nem is tartalmaz külön lokalitási megszorítás(oka)t. Kimutattuk, hogy az általunk vizsgált, a szintaxisban jelentkező lokalitási hatások (i) a szintaktikai komputációs rendszer általános tulajdonságaiból, különösen a komputációs komplexitása minimalizálásának igényéből, valamint (ii) a szintaxis és a vele érintkező grammatikai alrendszerek munkamegosztásából fakadnak. A projekt olyan területeken vizsgálta a lokalitási hatások természetét, mint a főnévi kifejezések által képviselt szigetek, a szintaktikai fejmozgatás, a kvantorhatókör-értelmezés, a fókuszálás, a határozói módosítás, a mondatbeágyazás, a preszuppozíciós, a tagadó és a kérdő típusú gyenge szigetek, és egyes, a polaritásengedélyezésben szerepet játszó intervenciós hatások. A több nemzetközi együttműködést is kezdeményező kutatócsoport munkájának sikerességét a számos jelentős publikáció, köztük egy sor nemzetközi folyóiratcikk és nagy presztízsű nemzetközi kiadónál megjelenő könyvfejezet is jelzi. A kutatás keretében egy megvédett DSc értekezés és egy leadott PhD disszertáció is született, és egy további doktori disszertáció készül el még ebben az évben. | This project studied the division of labour between syntax and its interface subsystems in giving rise to some of the central syntactic locality properties of dependencies like movement and polarity licensing. Implementing the current Minimalist research program of transformational generative grammar, it explored the radical proposal that natural language syntax itself includes no special syntactic locality conditions per se. Instead, the locality effects under scrutiny are reduced to (i) the elementary properties of the syntactic computational system, including its quest to keep computational complexity to a minimum, which in turn subsumes its cyclic mapping to the interpretive systems of sound and meaning; and (ii) the division of labour between syntax and the interface subsystems, in particular, semantics and information structure. The topics investigated include the locality effects involved in noun phrase islands, syntactic head movement, quantifier scope interpretation, focusing, adverbial modification, clausal embedding, weak islands like presuppositional, negative, and wh-islands, and some apparent intervention effects in polarity licensing. The project established fruitful international co-operations, and its results have appeared in the form of a number of international journal and book chapter publications. The project has also yielded a completed PhD dissertation, a PhD thesis to be submitted later this year, and a DSc dissertation

Scope, scalarity, and polarity in aspectual marking : the case of English 'until' and Spanish 'hasta'

This dissertation explores how languages express durations of time and the significant cross-linguistic variation displayed in words describing temporal duration with otherwise quite similar meanings. Specially, I examine 'until'-like phrases that bound events in time. These phrases are puzzling because across languages they typically only modify atelic predicates and not telic predicates. Yet they are acceptable with telic predicates if the predicate is negated, and in that case they furthermore generate a factive inference that the event described by the predicate must come about at a future time. Additionally, some languages, like Greek, use two distinct lexical words, one for atelic predicates and one for telic predicates. Three major prior proposals have been posited: (i) a lexical ambiguity account wherein there is a positive 'until' and a negative 'until', (ii) a monosemy account wherein 'until' is a type of universal quantifier over times that interacts scopally with negation, and (iii) a monosemy account wherein 'until' is a type of measure phrase over an existentially-quantified event. However, each approach fails to generalize appropriately. I revisit these three theories by examining the behavior of English "until"-phrases vis-à-vis durative "for"-adverbials, as well as 'until' counterparts in languages that acquire a superset or a subset of the interpretations of English "until", such as Spanish "hasta" and Greek "mehri". I propose a monosemy account that draws on insights from all three prior analyses. The key insight is that there is parameterization in the quantification that 'until' words in different languages exhibit. English "until" is universal in nature subject to a scope economy constraint. Spanish "hasta" is existential in nature subject to a plurality constraint in positive environments. Both universal and existential 'until' allow for negated telic predicates but the latter admits a wider set of readings and also permits lexical specialization of 'until' under negation, as found in Greek. Ultimately, irrespective of their quantification, English "until" and Spanish "hasta" activate temporal scalar alternatives that I argue derive factive inferences as an epiphenomenon of independent scopal interactions between the alternatives, polarity, and covert exhaustification-based operators of the inferential mechanism.Linguistic

Cyclicity and the scope of wh-phrases

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 2001.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 214-221).This thesis argues that in a constituent question with a universal quantifier, syntactic reconstruction of the wh-phrase below the quantifier is the source of scope ambiguities. In particular, I argue, based on the interaction of PL-readings with binding conditions A and B, that syntactic reconstruction of the wh-phrase below the quantifier is necessary for the PL-readings or family-of-questions interpretation to be available. The thesis takes as a starting point the assumption, fundamental to the approaches of May (1985), Aoun and Li (1993), and Chierchia (1993), that wh-quantifier interaction is subject to a nesting-crossing asymmetry. Two things are shown in the first two chapters: 1) that the subject-object asymmetry is a relative phenomenon depending on the type of the quantifier used (whether one uses each vs every), and the type of the wh-phrase extracted (e.g. a which-phrase vs. a how many-phrase,) and 2), questions with quantifiers exemplifying nesting configurations are in fact unambiguous when reconstruction of the wh-phrase is blocked by binding theoretic principles. The data show that nesting is insufficient, whereas reconstruction is necessary condition for the availability of PL-readings. The proper treatment of wh-quantifier interaction is therefore one that treats the phenomenon in terms of reconstruction.(cont.) The second part of the thesis argues that reconstruction is necessary for PL-readings, because such interpretations are a particular case of variable binding in which the universal quantifier binds an implicit variable in one of the copies of the wh-phrase, which is analyzed as a skolemized choice function as in Kratzer's (1998) theory of indefinites. It is argued on the basis of empirical considerations that WCO is irrelevant contra Chierchia (1993) because WCO is irrelevant for implicit variables. The third part of the dissertation shows that the reconstruction view of PL-readings opens up the possibility to use such interpretations as a diagnostic for successive cyclicity. This possibility is exploited with a certain degree of success. By comparing the interaction of overtly displaced wh-phrases with quantifiers, on the one hand, and the interaction of wh in situ and universal quantifiers, on the other, it is concluded that whereas overtly moved wh-phrases move in successive cyclic fashion, wh-phrases in situ do not get their scope via successive cyclic movement.by Calixto Agüero-Bautista.Ph.D

Disentangling Bare Nouns and Nominals Introduced by a Partitive Article

This volume edited by Tabea Ihsane focuses on different aspects of the distribution, semantics, and internal structure of nominal constituents with a “partitive article” in its indefinite interpretation and of potentially corresponding bare nouns. It further deals with diachronic issues, such as grammaticalization and evolution in the use of “partitive articles”. The outcome is a snapshot of current research into “partitive articles” and the way they relate to bare nouns, in a cross-linguistic perspective and on new data: the research covers noteworthy data (fieldwork data and corpora) from Standard languages - like French and Italian, but also German - to dialectal and regional varieties, including endangered ones like Francoprovençal. Readership: All interested in the syntax-semantics interface of noun phrases with a “partitive article” and their corresponding bare nouns, as well as in diachronic issues, both in Romance and Germanic languages/dialects/varieties

Movement, features, and interpretation

Synopsis: This book focuses on the role size plays in grammar. Under the umbrella term size fall the size of syntactic projections, the size of feature content, and the size of reference sets. This Volume II discusses size effects in movement, agreement, and interpretation while the contributions in Volume I focus on size and structure building. Part I of Volume II investigates how size interacts with head movement and various phrasal movement including left branch extraction, object shift, tough movement, and multiple wh movement. Part II of this volume discusses the role size plays in agreement and morphology-related matters like allomorphy. Contributions in Part III focus on semantic-oriented issues, in particular the size of reference domains and NPI licensing. The languages covered in this volume include American Sign Language, Bosnian-Croatian-Serbian and various other Slavic languages, German, Icelandic, dialects of Italian, Japanese, Nancowry, Panoan languages, and Tamil

From clinics to methods and back: a tale of amyloid-PET quantification

The in-vivo assessment of cerebral amyloid load is taking a leading role in the early differential diagnosis of neurodegenerative diseases. With the hopefully near introduction of disease-modifying drugs, we expect a paradigm shift in the current diagnostic pathway with an unprecedented surge in the request of exams and detailed analysis