De la entrevista al biopic. Andrzej Wajda, Walesa: Man of Hope (2013)

La película Walesa, la esperanza de un pueblo (2013) constituye un ejercicio estilístico en el que a partir de una entrevista en profundidad se trenzan diferentes documentos audiovisuales para organizar un relato sobre la figura de Lech Walesa en forma de biopic. La teoría periodística relativa a la entrevista como género oscila entre la práctica informativa y el canon literario, este dilema permite trasladar al público, además de las palabras del entrevistado, la fugacidad de las impresiones ambientadas en un momento concreto, en un encuentro compartido por ambos. Una atmósfera que Andrzej Wajda utiliza para introducir la conversación que sostuvieron la periodista Oriana Fallaci y el líder de solidaridad Lech Walesa en 1980. Desde el domicilio de este último, explora una de sus obsesiones: el enigma del liderazgo social y su éxito frente a la adversidad. Abstract:The film Walesa, the hope of a people (2013) is a stylistic exercise in which after an in depth interview different audiovisual documents are twisted to organize a story about the figure of Lech Walesa as a biopic. The journalistic theory on the interview as a genre ranges from the practical information and literary canon, this dilemma can move the public, besides the words of the interviewee, the transience of acclimated impressions at a particular time in a shared meeting by both. An atmosphere that Andrzej Wajda used to enter the conversation between the journalist Oriana Fallaci and Solidarity leader Lech Walesa in 1980. Since the domicile of the latter, explores one of his obsessions: the enigma of social leadership and success against the adversity.Palabras clave:Biopic; Wagda; Fallaci; Walesa; entrevista informativa; entrevista literaria; liderazgo  Keywords: Biopic; Wagda; Fallaci; Walesa; Informative Interview; Literary Interview; Leadership

Easterner, Vol. 53, No. 4, October 18, 2001

This issue of the Easterner contains articles about the upcoming Presidential lecture by Polish Solidarity leader Lech Walesa, the large freshman class (increased enrollment), the impact of 9/11 on international enrollment, potential traffic problems at 10th and Elm, an art display on the 9/11 attack, the football and volleyball seasons, and club softball.https://dc.ewu.edu/student_newspapers/1844/thumbnail.jp

Easterner, Vol. 53, No. 5, October 25, 2001

This issue of the Easterner contains articles about the Presidential lecture by Polish leader Lech Walesa on peace, a planned power outage in Cheney, the ROTC\u27s 50th year anniversary, the opening of Cyber Café, Homecoming activities, a clothing drive to support a program called Creating a Rape-Free Environment (CARE), the upcoming Homecoming game against California State Northridge, and the volleyball season.https://dc.ewu.edu/student_newspapers/1845/thumbnail.jp

President in the Polish Parliamentary Democracy

Part of the package of the democratic changes accepted at the Polish Round Table in 1989 was the reintroduction of the presidency, abolished in 1952 by the Constitution of the communist era. Since then, Poland has had three presidents and four presidential elections. General Wojciech Jaruzelski ran unopposed in the only presidential elections by the National Assembly in July 1989. In 1990, the Constitution was amended to introduce presidential election by universal ballot. “Solidarity” leader Lech Walesa was elected for a five-year period (1990-1995). In 1995 he lost the elections to the then leader of the Alliance of Democratic Left Aleksander Kwasniewski, who in 2000 successfully ran for re-election. During this period, the position of the President of the Republic evolved. The new Constitution of 1997 defines the system of the Polish Republic as a parliamentarycabinet one but with broad prerogatives of the president. The actual position of the president depends not only on the norms of law but also on the political support he has in the society and on his relations with parliamentary parties. The Polish experience of the last ten years shows the possibility of a relatively strong presidency without the presidential control of the executive branch of government. It also argues against both extremes: presidentialism (the president being the chief executive or controlling the prime minister) and a weak, symbolic presidency

President in the Polish Parliamentary Democracy

Part of the package of the democratic changes accepted at the Polish Round Table in 1989 was the reintroduction of the presidency, abolished in 1952 by the Constitution of the communist era. Since then, Poland has had three presidents and four presidential elections. General Wojciech Jaruzelski ran unopposed in the only presidential elections by the National Assembly in July 1989. In 1990, the Constitution was amended to introduce presidential election by universal ballot. “Solidarity” leader Lech Walesa was elected for a five-year period (1990-1995). In 1995 he lost the elections to the then leader of the Alliance of Democratic Left Aleksander Kwasniewski, who in 2000 successfully ran for re-election. During this period, the position of the President of the Republic evolved. The new Constitution of 1997 defines the system of the Polish Republic as a parliamentarycabinet one but with broad prerogatives of the president. The actual position of the president depends not only on the norms of law but also on the political support he has in the society and on his relations with parliamentary parties. The Polish experience of the last ten years shows the possibility of a relatively strong presidency without the presidential control of the executive branch of government. It also argues against both extremes: presidentialism (the president being the chief executive or controlling the prime minister) and a weak, symbolic presidency

President in the Polish parliamentary democracy

Part of the package of democratic changes accepted at the Polish Round Table in 1989 was the reintroduction of the presidency, abolished in 1952 by the Constitution of the communist era. Since then, Poland had three presidents and four presidential elections. General Wojciech Jaruzelski ran unopposed in the only presidential election by the National Assembly in July 1989. In 1990, the Constitution was amended to introduce presidential election by universal ballot. "Solidarity" leader Lech Walesa was elected for the five years period (1990-1995). In 1995 he lost the election to the then leader of the Alliance of Democratic Left Aleksander Kwasniewski, who in 2000 successfully ran for re-election. During these years, the position of the President of the Republic evolved. The new Constitution of 1997 defines the system of the Polish Republic as a parliamentary-cabinet one but with broad prerogatives of the president. The actual position of the president depends not only on the norms of law but also on the political support he has in the society and on his relations with parliamentary parties. Polish experience of last ten years shows the possibility of a relatively strong presidency without the presidential control of the executive branch of government. It also argues against both extremes: presidentialism (president being the chief executive or controlling the Prime Minister) and weak, symbolic presidency

A Synthetic Analysis of the Polish Solidarity Movement

The aim of this study is to arrive at a holistic understanding of how and why the Polish Solidarity Movement succeeded, against great odds, within a regime hostile to its existence. From this movement emerged Solidarnosc, the first independent labor union in the Communist Bloc. Solidarnosc evolved into a political party that succeeded in replacing the Communist Party in Poland. Seven factors are elaborated on, each contended to have facilitated Solidarnosc\u27s success. Some factors occurred naturally (such as the structural conduciveness of Poland\u27s industrially based economy), some occurred fortunately (such as the political opportunity afforded by Mikhail Gorbachev\u27s liberalizing policies), and some were deliberately constructed (such as use of samizdat communications in mobilizing the movement). This study is a synthesis of these various facilitating factors. Ethnographic description is also part of the explanation, as is inclusion of eclectic factors that do not pigeon-hole well into conventional social movement theory compartments

Independent - Sep. 11, 2018

https://neiudc.neiu.edu/independent/1548/thumbnail.jp