569 research outputs found
Lambek vs. Lambek: Functorial Vector Space Semantics and String Diagrams for Lambek Calculus
The Distributional Compositional Categorical (DisCoCat) model is a
mathematical framework that provides compositional semantics for meanings of
natural language sentences. It consists of a computational procedure for
constructing meanings of sentences, given their grammatical structure in terms
of compositional type-logic, and given the empirically derived meanings of
their words. For the particular case that the meaning of words is modelled
within a distributional vector space model, its experimental predictions,
derived from real large scale data, have outperformed other empirically
validated methods that could build vectors for a full sentence. This success
can be attributed to a conceptually motivated mathematical underpinning, by
integrating qualitative compositional type-logic and quantitative modelling of
meaning within a category-theoretic mathematical framework.
The type-logic used in the DisCoCat model is Lambek's pregroup grammar.
Pregroup types form a posetal compact closed category, which can be passed, in
a functorial manner, on to the compact closed structure of vector spaces,
linear maps and tensor product. The diagrammatic versions of the equational
reasoning in compact closed categories can be interpreted as the flow of word
meanings within sentences. Pregroups simplify Lambek's previous type-logic, the
Lambek calculus, which has been extensively used to formalise and reason about
various linguistic phenomena. The apparent reliance of the DisCoCat on
pregroups has been seen as a shortcoming. This paper addresses this concern, by
pointing out that one may as well realise a functorial passage from the
original type-logic of Lambek, a monoidal bi-closed category, to vector spaces,
or to any other model of meaning organised within a monoidal bi-closed
category. The corresponding string diagram calculus, due to Baez and Stay, now
depicts the flow of word meanings.Comment: 29 pages, pending publication in Annals of Pure and Applied Logi
A Generalised Quantifier Theory of Natural Language in Categorical Compositional Distributional Semantics with Bialgebras
Categorical compositional distributional semantics is a model of natural
language; it combines the statistical vector space models of words with the
compositional models of grammar. We formalise in this model the generalised
quantifier theory of natural language, due to Barwise and Cooper. The
underlying setting is a compact closed category with bialgebras. We start from
a generative grammar formalisation and develop an abstract categorical
compositional semantics for it, then instantiate the abstract setting to sets
and relations and to finite dimensional vector spaces and linear maps. We prove
the equivalence of the relational instantiation to the truth theoretic
semantics of generalised quantifiers. The vector space instantiation formalises
the statistical usages of words and enables us to, for the first time, reason
about quantified phrases and sentences compositionally in distributional
semantics
A Labelled Analytic Theorem Proving Environment for Categorial Grammar
We present a system for the investigation of computational properties of
categorial grammar parsing based on a labelled analytic tableaux theorem
prover. This proof method allows us to take a modular approach, in which the
basic grammar can be kept constant, while a range of categorial calculi can be
captured by assigning different properties to the labelling algebra. The
theorem proving strategy is particularly well suited to the treatment of
categorial grammar, because it allows us to distribute the computational cost
between the algorithm which deals with the grammatical types and the algebraic
checker which constrains the derivation.Comment: 11 pages, LaTeX2e, uses examples.sty and a4wide.st
Mathematical Foundations for a Compositional Distributional Model of Meaning
We propose a mathematical framework for a unification of the distributional
theory of meaning in terms of vector space models, and a compositional theory
for grammatical types, for which we rely on the algebra of Pregroups,
introduced by Lambek. This mathematical framework enables us to compute the
meaning of a well-typed sentence from the meanings of its constituents.
Concretely, the type reductions of Pregroups are `lifted' to morphisms in a
category, a procedure that transforms meanings of constituents into a meaning
of the (well-typed) whole. Importantly, meanings of whole sentences live in a
single space, independent of the grammatical structure of the sentence. Hence
the inner-product can be used to compare meanings of arbitrary sentences, as it
is for comparing the meanings of words in the distributional model. The
mathematical structure we employ admits a purely diagrammatic calculus which
exposes how the information flows between the words in a sentence in order to
make up the meaning of the whole sentence. A variation of our `categorical
model' which involves constraining the scalars of the vector spaces to the
semiring of Booleans results in a Montague-style Boolean-valued semantics.Comment: to appea
Comparing and evaluating extended Lambek calculi
Lambeks Syntactic Calculus, commonly referred to as the Lambek calculus, was
innovative in many ways, notably as a precursor of linear logic. But it also
showed that we could treat our grammatical framework as a logic (as opposed to
a logical theory). However, though it was successful in giving at least a basic
treatment of many linguistic phenomena, it was also clear that a slightly more
expressive logical calculus was needed for many other cases. Therefore, many
extensions and variants of the Lambek calculus have been proposed, since the
eighties and up until the present day. As a result, there is now a large class
of calculi, each with its own empirical successes and theoretical results, but
also each with its own logical primitives. This raises the question: how do we
compare and evaluate these different logical formalisms? To answer this
question, I present two unifying frameworks for these extended Lambek calculi.
Both are proof net calculi with graph contraction criteria. The first calculus
is a very general system: you specify the structure of your sequents and it
gives you the connectives and contractions which correspond to it. The calculus
can be extended with structural rules, which translate directly into graph
rewrite rules. The second calculus is first-order (multiplicative
intuitionistic) linear logic, which turns out to have several other,
independently proposed extensions of the Lambek calculus as fragments. I will
illustrate the use of each calculus in building bridges between analyses
proposed in different frameworks, in highlighting differences and in helping to
identify problems.Comment: Empirical advances in categorial grammars, Aug 2015, Barcelona,
Spain. 201
Coalgebraic completeness-via-canonicity for distributive substructural logics
We prove strong completeness of a range of substructural logics with respect
to a natural poset-based relational semantics using a coalgebraic version of
completeness-via-canonicity. By formalizing the problem in the language of
coalgebraic logics, we develop a modular theory which covers a wide variety of
different logics under a single framework, and lends itself to further
extensions. Moreover, we believe that the coalgebraic framework provides a
systematic and principled way to study the relationship between resource models
on the semantics side, and substructural logics on the syntactic side.Comment: 36 page
Context Update for Lambdas and Vectors
Vector models of language are based on the contextual aspects of words
and how they co-occur in text. Truth conditional models focus on the
logical aspects of language, the denotations of phrases, and their
compositional properties. In the latter approach the denotation of a
sentence determines its truth conditions and can be taken to be a
truth value, a set of possible worlds, a context change
potential, or similar. In this short paper, we develop a vector
semantics for language based on the simply typed lambda calculus. Our
semantics uses techniques familiar from the truth conditional tradition
and is based on a form of dynamic interpretation inspired by
Heim's context updates
A Polynomial-Time Algorithm for the Lambek Calculus with Brackets of Bounded Order
Lambek calculus is a logical foundation of categorial grammar, a linguistic paradigm of grammar as logic and parsing as deduction. Pentus (2010) gave a polynomial-time algorithm for determining provability of bounded depth formulas in L*, the Lambek calculus with empty antecedents allowed. Pentus\u27 algorithm is based on tabularisation of proof nets. Lambek calculus with brackets is a conservative extension of Lambek calculus with bracket modalities, suitable for the modeling of syntactical domains. In this paper we give an algorithm for provability in Lb*, the Lambek calculus with brackets allowing empty antecedents. Our algorithm runs in polynomial time when both the formula depth and the bracket nesting depth are bounded. It combines a Pentus-style tabularisation of proof nets with an automata-theoretic treatment of bracketing
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