“Finding the \u27Public\u27 in \u27Public Disrepute” – Would the Cultural Defense Make a Difference in Celebrity and Sports Endorsement Contract Disputes? - The Case of Michael Vick and Adrian Peterson

This article will explore this issue by engaging in case studies of the Vick and Peterson scandals to see what would have happened had the two men taken their claims against Nike to court. Part One will discuss the cases in more depth and elaborate on how they might be viewed through the lens of cultural relativity theory and the cultural defense. Part Two will elaborate on what morals clauses are and the legal standards courts use to enforce them. In addition to examining the Mendenhall decision, several other court cases will be discussed, each of which places differing levels of emphasis on how much evidence is needed to meet the public disrepute requirement. Except for the judge in the Mendenhall case, all of the judges in these additional cases were white. This is mentioned because it is possible that the race of the judge may bear some relation to the level of openness they may have to entertaining the cultural defense. Part Three will apply the aforementioned legal standards to the Vick and Peterson cases, with special attention paid to the extent to which courts discussed in Part Two might be open to entertaining the cultural defense in these kinds of disputes. Part Four will contain my conclusion, which is that most judges will probably not give extra weight to the cultural defense in situations of the type discussed here. There will be a range of approaches to how courts might define public disrepute in these cases, but the overall outcome will be the same. On one side will be a small number of judges, like the judge in Mendenhall, who require both sides to produce detailed evidence to show if expressed minority viewpoints favoring talent outweigh viewpoints that disfavor talent. However, since white football fans outnumber blacks, this will mean that black talent like those discussed here won\u27t benefit from the cultural defense. On the other side will be judges who base their decisions on their own personal take on what the majority of people do (or should) think about the matter. In the main case discussed here where such an approach took place, the judge ruled against talent. Thus, regardless of the rationale for the decision-making expressed in these cases, most talent in these kinds of situations will lose. Nevertheless, there may still be some judges and endorsement company managers who do want to take into account the social dimensions that give rise to the cultural defense in the interests of fairness. My conclusion at the end of the paper will suggest some possible approaches they can adopt to achieve this result

Distinguishing between factual information and insulting or abusive messages bearing words or phrases in news articles

This thesis report is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Bachelor of Science in Computer Science and Engineering, 2006.Cataloged from PDF version of thesis report.Includes bibliographical references (page 75).Since Internet has become the leading source of information for the users, flames or abusive messages have also become the prominent factors of time wasting for retrieving information. Moreover, a text can contain factual information as well as abusive or insulting contents. This paper describes a new approach for an automated system to distinguish between information and personal attack containing insulting or abusive messages in a given document. In NLP, flames or abusive messages are considered as extreme subjective language, which refers to detect personal opinions or emotions in a news article. Insulting or abusive messages are viewed as extreme subset of the subjective language because of its extreme nature. We defined some rules to extract the semantic information of a given sentence from the general semantic structure of that sentence.Altaf MahmudKazi Zubair AhmedB. Computer Science and Engineerin

Az adverbiumok mondattani és jelentéstani kérdései = The syntax and syntax-semantics interface of adverbial modification

A határozószók és a határozók alaktani, mondattani és funkcionális kérdéseit vizsgáltuk a generatív nyelvelmélet keretében, főként magyar anyag alapján. Olyan leírásra törekedtünk, melyből a különféle határozófajták mondattani viselkedése, hatóköre, valamint hangsúlyozása egyaránt következik. A különféle határozótípusok PP-ként való elemzésének lehetőségét bizonyítottuk. A határozók mondatbeli elhelyezése tekintetében a specifikálói pozíció (Cinque 1999) ellen és az adjunkciós elemzés (Ernst 2002) mellett érveltünk. Megmutattuk, hogy a határozók szórendjének levezetéséhez bal- és jobboldali adjunkció feltételezése egyaránt szükséges. A különféle határozófajták szórendi helyét mondattani, jelentéstani és prozódiai tényezők összjátékával magyaráztuk. A jelentéstani tényezők között pl. a határozók inkorporálhatóságát korlátozó típusmegszorítást, a negatív határozók kötelező fókuszálását előidéző skaláris megszorítást, egyes határozófajták és igefajták komplex eseményszerkezetének inkompatibilitását vizsgáltuk. Az ige mögötti határozók szórendjét befolyásoló prozódiai tényező például a növekvő összetevők törvénye. Megfigyeltük az intonációskifejezés- újraelemzés kiváltódásának feltételeit és jelentéstani következményeit is. A helyhatározói igekötők egy típusát a mozgatási láncok sajátos fonológiai megvalósulásaként (a fonológiailag redukált kópia inkorporációjaként) elemeztük. A tárgykörben mintegy 60 tanulmányt publikáltunk. Adverbs and Adverbial Adjuncts at the Interfaces (489 old.) c. könyvünket kiadja a Mouton de Gruyter (Berlin). | This project has aimed to clarify (on the basis of mainly Hungarian data) basic issues concerning the category "adverb", the function "adverbial", and the grammar of adverbial modification. We have argued for the PP analysis of adverbials, and have claimed that they enter the derivation via left- and right-adjunction. Their merge-in position is determined by the interplay of syntactic, semantic, and prosodic factors. The semantically motivated constraints discussed also include a type restriction affecting adverbials semantically incorporated into the verbal predicate, an obligatory focus position for scalar adverbs representing negative values of bidirectional scales, cooccurrence restrictions between verbs and adverbials involving incompatible subevents, etc. The order and interpretation of adverbials in the postverbal domain is shown to be affected by such phonologically motivated constraints as the Law of Growing Constituents, and by intonation-phrase restructuring. The shape of the light-headed chain arising in the course of locative PP incorporation is determined by morpho-phonological requirements. The types of adverbs and adverbials analyzed include locatives, temporals, comitatives, epistemic adverbs, adverbs of degree, manner, counting, and frequency, quantificational adverbs, and adverbial participles. We have published about 60 studies; our book Adverbs and Adverbial Adjuncts at the Interfaces (pp. 489) is published in the series Interface Explorations of Mouton de Gruyter, Berlin

The Influence of Key Political Actors on Labor Government Climate Change Policy

The threat of anthropogenic climate change is arguably the defining issue of the 21st Century. Climate change has devastating global implications to which various authorities worldwide have responded by declaring a climate crisis. Australia, however, has neglected to address this issue. The Liberal-National Coalition, which has almost exclusively held government since John Howard was elected Prime Minister in 1996, maintains its scepticism on anthropogenic climate change despite international scientific consensus. It established Australia as a climate laggard, a reputation which was suspended for a brief period of Australian Labor Party (ALP) Government from 2007-2013. Despite the promise of a progressive government, attempts at climate change mitigation by the ALP were also criticised for their weak targets and generous financial concessions that primarily benefitted the nation’s biggest polluters. The inconsistencies between the actions and rhetoric of the ALP, which under Rudd proclaimed climate change as the ‘greatest moral challenge of our generation’ have raised the question of whether there were other actors infiltrating this government. This paper examines the role of key political actors in shaping Labor Government climate policy. Specifically, it investigates the undue influence of vested interests, understood as interest groups which conflate their self-interest with that of the nation. It finds the mining industry is the most powerful opponent of climate policy. Australian Government climate policy has typically addressed the symptoms of climate change rather than the root of the problem. The mining industry has taken advantage of this tendency, utilising the ALP’s ecological modernisation policymaking framework to minimise the impact of emissions-reduction policy on its bottom-line. The undue influence of powerful interest groups has resulted in a climate policy that supports the growth of the carbon-economy, favours business-as-usual and fails to address the damaging corporate practices of emissions-intensive industries

Presuppositions as anaphors : towards a full understanding of partial matches

Van der Sandt's theory of presuppositions-as-anaphors is widely considered to be the empirically most adequate theory of presupposition projection on the market. One of the main differences between Van der Sandt's approach and its main competitor, the `contextual satisfaction ' approach, lies in the treatment of the so-called partial match phenomenon. In this paper, we take a closer look at partial matches. We show that the distinction between partial and full matches should be a central element of any theory of presupposition projection. However, we also argue that Van der Sandt's own formal theory, as it stands, does not offer an adequate treatment of partial matches. We then propose a number of modifications of his formal theory and apply the modified algorithm to definite (and other) NPs. The resulting modified version of the presuppositions-as-anaphors theory is argued to be more general, formally more precise, and empirically more adequate than its predecessor