A Study of the Political Concepts and Theories of Mao Tse-Tung

The purpose of this study is an examination of the policies which were important in Mao Tse-tung’s rise to power in China and those policies which have been instrumental in keeping him in power. Documentary and secondary sources were consulted with secondary sources used only where insufficient documentary evidence existed or when they made a significant contribution to the subject. The study was confined primarily to the four volumes of the English translation of the Selected Works of Hao Tse-tung and the three publications of the American Consulate General at Hong Kong entitled, Survey of the China Mainland Press, Current Background and Extracts from China Mainland Magazines. The formation and foundation of Mao\u27s political concepts consisted of his early education and contact with Communist ideologies, his theory of practice and the development of his materialist-dialectic philosophy. Mao\u27s use of the peasants in the Communist movement in China and his class analysis of the rural areas were part of the basis for his agrarian program. Major policies aiding his program were land reform, collectivization and the commune system. Examination of labor\u27s role in the Chinese Communist movement and the division of the classes of labor show Mao\u27s concept that labor must lead the revolution in China. His policies, such as the use of communes and the Trade Union Law, give examples of his efforts to bring labor to the front in the revolutionary movement. Mao is apparently trying to transform the broad masses of the peasantry into an industrial proletariat in support of his belief that this will make the Communist movement more stable. Mao Tse-tung has made extensive use of the military forces both in resisting the Japanese and in overthrowing the Kuomintang and Chiang Kai-shek. The communes are designed along military lines to give him more authority in all areas. This would imply that Mao is depending extensively upon the military forces for his control of China. The early economic policies of Mao and the Chinese Communists were to proceed with all economic construction possible as well as essential and to concentrate on the agricultural and industrial programs in the formation of a sound economy. By the use of the commune system Mao hopes to build a strong economic basis for Communist China. Mao is attempting to control the education and culture of the Chinese people as closely as possible. His program is aimed at the young people with the New Democratic Youth League and the commune boarding schools designed to obtain the support of the youth. He also maintains that all art and literature should be adapted to fit the needs of the revolutionary movement. In the formation of the Chinese Communist government Mao maintains that two stages, new democracy and socialism are necessary to achieve Communism. More recent developments indicates Mao\u27s belief that China is in the latter part of the socialist stage and ready to advance into an early phase of the true Communistic state. His program of consolidation of the masses and the elimination of feudalism is important to the achievement of his goals. The commune system and the Chinese Communists\u27 international relations are also important in the political organization of Mao\u27s government. He reserves the right to interpret Communism to fit the needs of China, or, more correctly, to satisfy his own desires

Japan and Japanese firms: historical and modern lessons for international business and economic development

The obsession in both the popular and academic press about Japan, Japanese firms and their management practices lasted until the 1990s, after which there has been an inexplicable absence of curiosity. I argue here that there is still much to learn, not only from their contemporary activity, but from their historical actions. Less developed countries, in particular, can benefit from a careful study of the Meiji era, during which Japan built up the structure, institutions and organizations that underlay its economic success for much of the 20th century, and was a blueprint for many Asian success stories. The Meiji period was crucial in building up of Japan’s location advantages, and the rapidity of the reforms in this period underlined much of its subsequent growth. I also argue that despite Japan’s economic stagnation since the 1990s, its firms have not been stationary. There has been considerable evolution in the management and structure of Japanese firms and its innovation system. Such developments represent a useful preview of challenges ahead for the more advanced emerging economies such as China and India, as well as newer advanced economies, such as Korea

More Significance than Value: Explaining Developments in the Sino-Japanese Contest Over the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands (August 2019)

The Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands are presently the focus of a dangerous contest between the People’s Republic of China and Japan, one that even now has the potential to spark a military conflict that could draw in the United States. How has this come about? Whether seen from a strategic, economic, or historical perspective, the value of the islands does not appear to merit the risks of such a contest. Consequently, what has driven the escalation is not anything particular to the islands themselves, but rather the increasing symbolic stakes attached to them, their role within the domestic politics of both sides, and the measures each side has taken to shore up its respective claims.LBJ School of Public Affair

Artificial Intelligence, International Competition, and the Balance of Power (May 2018)

World leaders, CEOs, and academics have suggested that a revolution in artificial intelligence is upon us. Are they right, and what will advances in artificial intelligence mean for international competition and the balance of power? This article evaluates how developments in artificial intelligence (AI) — advanced, narrow applications in particular — are poised to influence military power and international politics. It describes how AI more closely resembles “enabling” technologies such as the combustion engine or electricity than a specific weapon. AI’s still-emerging developments make it harder to assess than many technological changes, especially since many of the organizational decisions about the adoption and uses of new technology that generally shape the impact of that technology are in their infancy. The article then explores the possibility that key drivers of AI development in the private sector could cause the rapid diffusion of military applications of AI, limiting first-mover advantages for innovators. Alternatively, given uncertainty about the technological trajectory of AI, it is also possible that military uses of AI will be harder to develop based on private-sector AI technologies than many expect, generating more potential first-mover advantages for existing powers such as China and the United States, as well as larger consequences for relative power if a country fails to adapt. Finally, the article discusses the extent to which U.S. military rhetoric about the importance of AI matches the reality of U.S. investments.LBJ School of Public Affair

The Pragmatic Court: Reinterpreting the Supreme People’s Court of China

This Article examines the institutional motivations that underlie several major developments in the Supreme People\u27s Court of China\u27s recent policy-making. Since 2007, the SPC has sent off a collection of policy signals that escapes sweeping ideological labeling: it has publically embraced a populist view of legal reform by encouraging the use of mediation in dispute resolution and popular participation in judicial policy-making, while continuing to advocate legal professionalization as a long-term policy objective. It has also eagerly attempted to enhance its own institutional competence by promoting judicial efficiency, simplifying key areas of civil law, and expanding its control over lower court adjudication. This Article argues that the strongest institutional motivation underlying this complex pattern of activity is, contrary to some common assumptions, neither simple obedience to the Party leadership nor internalized belief in some legal reform ideology, whether legal professionalism or populism. Instead, it is the pragmatic strengthening of the SPC\u27s own financial security and sociopolitical status-the SPC is, in many ways, a rational actor that pursues its institutional self-interest. This theory of institutional pragmatism brings unique analytical cohesion to the SPC\u27s recent behavior, giving us a clearer sense of its current priorities and, perhaps, its future outlook

Renminbi Internationalisation: Precedents and Implications

While it is commonly assumed that there are no known precedents against which to benchmark the internationalisation of the Renminbi (RMB), this paper argues that the PRCs own development experience provides a useful perspective on the internationalisation debate. In particular it indicates that lessons can be learnt from both the successes and the shortcomings of efforts to internationalise the RMB in the 1970s. During this period state-owned banks in Hong Kong played a central role in mobilising finance for foreign trade. Access to Hong Kong’s developed financial institutions allowed the PRC to maximise receipts from foreign trade as well as minimise the risks of undue swings in capital flows. The paper shows that although China no longer faces foreign exchange scarcity, economic reforms have not yet resolved vulnerabilities in China’s financial institutions and as such Hong Kong’s role in mitigating the risk of undue capital swings remains

Recent developments in the theory of very long run growth : a historical appraisal

This paper offers a historical appraisal of recent developments in the theory of very long run growth, focusing on two main areas: (1) linkages between wages, population and human capital and (2) interactions between institutions, markets and technology. Historians as well as economists have recently begun to break away from the traditional practice of using different methods to analyse the world before and after the industrial revolution. However, tensions remain between the theoretical and historical literatures, particularly over the unit of analysis (the world or particular countries) and the role of historical contingency

Governing autonomous vehicles: emerging responses for safety, liability, privacy, cybersecurity, and industry risks

The benefits of autonomous vehicles (AVs) are widely acknowledged, but there are concerns about the extent of these benefits and AV risks and unintended consequences. In this article, we first examine AVs and different categories of the technological risks associated with them. We then explore strategies that can be adopted to address these risks, and explore emerging responses by governments for addressing AV risks. Our analyses reveal that, thus far, governments have in most instances avoided stringent measures in order to promote AV developments and the majority of responses are non-binding and focus on creating councils or working groups to better explore AV implications. The US has been active in introducing legislations to address issues related to privacy and cybersecurity. The UK and Germany, in particular, have enacted laws to address liability issues, other countries mostly acknowledge these issues, but have yet to implement specific strategies. To address privacy and cybersecurity risks strategies ranging from introduction or amendment of non-AV specific legislation to creating working groups have been adopted. Much less attention has been paid to issues such as environmental and employment risks, although a few governments have begun programmes to retrain workers who might be negatively affected.Comment: Transport Reviews, 201