What makes urban governance co-productive? Contradictions in the current debate on co-production

Following a number of prominent concepts in urban planning, like participatory planning or self-help housing, co-production has started to gain momentum in the global South context. While it is has been long discussed as a means of service provision, the term is more and more often used in the broader sense of urban governance and policy planning. This understanding goes beyond the aspect of scaling-up successful co-productive infrastructure focused projects; rather, it indicates a different format of engagement for prompting urban stakeholders into planning citywide urban solutions. This article discusses the distinction between the different levels of co-production and their inter-linkages, and it investigates the relevance of positioning co-production as a factor framing urban governance. This includes a discussion on three main contradictions that can be identified within the current discussion on co-production. Finally, it identifies a set of arguments for elaborating the role of co-production in a policy and urban governance setting

Public Journalism and Citizenship

This work analyzes the relation between the right to information and the exercising of citizenship, within the scope of the dissemination of legislative information. The study traces a parallel between the coverage by private media and by the public media maintained by the Chamber of Deputies. The creation of a specifi c communication system for the dissemination of legislative information is based on the presupposition that the internal dynamics of the private media do not favor the exercising of citizenship. In addition to the right to information, the right to opinion is emphasized as a basic element for the exercising of freedom of expression, for the consolidation of representative democracy and as an indispensable mechanism for the citizens' enlightenment

THE NEXUS OF SOCIETAL FRAGILITY AND EXTREMISM

The events of January 6, 2021, raised several questions about whether democracy in the United States is backsliding. With domestic extremism on the rise and polarization deepening, the nation’s society is fragile and, thus, requires a framework that can provide the breadth and depth necessary to examine these core issues. This thesis aims to explore the relationship between societal fragility—social norms, institutions, trust, and social cohesion—and extremism. It examines democracy, extremism, and then fragility, including current frameworks and their limitations in applicability to a nation such as the United States. Based on these examinations, the societal fragility framework, along with its core components, was established. Using a case study analysis, the thesis examines the January 6 events in the United States and the 2022 presidential election in Brazil through the societal fragility lens, as both case studies present high levels of extremism and political violence. This thesis finds that societal fragility creates an environment that fosters extremism. It recommends that democracies prioritize rebuilding a culture of tolerance within society as well as institutional trust through transparency and accountability. Furthermore, by implementing methods to hold political leaders accountable for their use of undemocratic rhetoric, democracies can improve societal fragility and minimize the growth of extremism.Civilian, Gainesville Fire RescueApproved for public release. Distribution is unlimited

Democracy and Dispute Resolution: The Problem of Arbitration

This article seeks to bring the submerged issue of arbitration\u27s relationship to democracy to the surface of the mandatory arbitration debate. Its goal is relatively modest: To recognize and articulate the relationship between democracy and arbitration as an issue worth considering, to analyze the democratic character of arbitration and to suggest some implications of this assessment

Prospects for Citizenship

This book is available as open access through the Bloomsbury Open Access programme and is available on www.bloomsburycollections.com. Is citizenship in decline due to globalisation and an erosion of civic participation and democratic representation? Or is it merely transformed and extended to new levels and larger scales? Should we assess these challenges and changes primarily from a perspective of global justice, or consider also membership in a democratic polity as itself a basic good? Prospects for Citizenship addresses these broad questions in a unique collaborative effort. The result is an impressive book that looks at the future of citizenship from multiple research perspectives while remaining coherent in its overall purpose. Rainer Bauböck, European University Institute, Florence This book offers a perspicuous overview of the prospects for citizenship in our contemporary political context. The authorial team draw on a wide range of empirical and normative research in order to offer an incisive analysis of the problems and pressures of citizenship in the twenty-first century. The authors focus in particular on the apparent decline of traditional forms of civic engagement, the emergence of new forms of participation and the relationship between citizenship and globalization

Wielding Social Media in the Cyber-Arena: Globalism, Nationalism, and Civic Education

Information technology is a tool, and its effects on global citizenship education (GCED) depend on who uses the technology, how it is employed, and for what purpose. In theory, technology use could provide significant benefits toward achievement of GCED goals. Globalization has demanded an educational response — to prepare the young for productive engagement with the emerging global community. Technology could play a positive role in effective GCED. But globalization has come at a cost; it has produced winners and losers. Among the losers are those economically displaced as manufacturing jobs move elsewhere; they are resentful of foreigner and fearful of an uncertain future. For them, global citizenship is anathema. They are susceptible to manipulation by malign forces eager to exploit any perceived rifts in the post-war world order. For them, technology is a weapon, as easily aimed at the aspirations of GCED as another apparent enemy.             Identifying how technology can be employed positively in GCED is important, but not enough. Young people must also understand the conflict between globalization and alt-right nationalist populism, much of it carried out in the cyber-arena of the Internet and social media. New technologies have armed adversaries with tools to manipulate opinion and foment disorder. how technology is employed to undermine global citizenship education, as well as the democracies of the West. This they can witness in the gladiatorial combat between globalization and nationalist populism —between democracy and authoritarianism — in the cyber-arena. This article explores how technology is a double-edged sword – a tool for good and a tool for mischief. It draws from current research and news reporting on methods and effects of online manipulation. The article concludes by describing international efforts to defend against social media assaults on democracy and by identifying the new knowledge and skills citizens must acquire for positive civic engagement in the global cyber-arena. &nbsp

Constitutions and Bills of Rights:Invigorating or Placating Democracy?

Champions of constitutions and bills of rights regularly portray them as possessing significant, sometimes mysterious, powers. One characterisation is that newly implemented constitutions may invigorate a democracy, particularly at the ballot box. This paper challenges that notion by scrutinising a relatively unexplored area of constitutional performance: voter turnout. In particular, it examines a number of jurisdictions that have recently implemented constitutions and bill of rights, finding that in many of them, voter turnout decreased after passage, sometimes significantly. As the argument for a codified British constitution endures, the findings of this paper provide provisional evidence that those advocating for such a device should be wary of touting its potentially invigorating democratic effects. Ultimately, however, the paper calls for more research into the area of constitutions and democratic performance, such as voter turnout

The Transformation of South African Private Law After Twenty Years of Democracy

In The Transformation of South African Private Law after Ten Years of Democracy, 37 Colum. Hum. Rts. L. Rev. 447 (2006), I evaluated the role of private law in consolidating South Africa’s constitutional democracy. There, I traced the negative effects of apartheid from public law to private law, and then to the law of delict, South Africa’s counterpart to tort law. I demonstrated that the law of delict failed to develop under apartheid and that the values animating the law of delict under apartheid were inconsistent with the values and aspirations of South Africa’s democratic transformation. By the end of its first decade, South Africa had made considerable progress developing private law, but there was still much work to be done in developing the law of delict, and especially contract law. This article evaluates South Africa’s second decade of constitutional democracy. While South Africa continues to make democratic gains, it also faces serious problems with race, gender, and wealth inequality. This article reviews South Africa’s democratic achievements and challenges over the last twenty years. It provides a brief overview of private law under apartheid before addressing a number of post-apartheid democracy-reinforcing changes to private law. It then analyzes the historically conservative common law of contracts and a recent case that progressively develops the law of contracts and delict. Next, it turns to the Consumer Act of 2008, which has important implications for both contract law and delict. The Act is analyzed in light of two contrasting dramatic helicopter crashes: one that occurred before the Act came into effect, and one after. While there has been considerable progress, there is still a need for improvement. More can be done to align private law with the Constitution’s values, to confront persistent inequality, and promote freedom, dignity, and access to justice. Such breakthroughs would also deepen and stabilize South Africa’s democracy by bringing democratic principles and values into the everyday lives of those affected by private law

Gendering Representation: Parties, Institutions, and the Under-Representation Of Women In Brazil's State Legislatures

This dissertation provides insights on what influences women's descriptive representation in state legislatures in Brazil. The study of female representation in Brazil provides for a good case study as the country uses a gender quota system for legislative positions since 1995 and yet has not seen a significant improvement in the number of women elected to such institutions. In order to understand the roots of female under-representation, this dissertation combines Feminist Historical Institutionalism--a complementary approach to Historical Institutionalism that focuses on the role of gender in the development of institutions--and empirical approaches to determine why so few women are elected to Brazil's state legislatures. This dissertation relies on historical narratives, interviews and participant observation, and statistical analysis to uncover the ways in which the Brazilian political system influences the low number of female candidates elected to state legislatures. The focus on state legislatures is warranted as most research on female representation in Brazil has focused on the federal level. I argue that in federal systems like Brazil, where politicians normally rise through local and state politics before becoming federal legislators, scholars must pay closer attention to the electoral dynamics in these lower level elections to fully capture the essence of female representation at the national level. The historical analysis shows that the combination of an electoral system that is mostly unchanged for over 60 years, a legacy of formal and informal discrimination of women in formal politics, and the constant suppression of women's movements throughout the 20th century led to the development of a system that marginalizes women in the present political system. Even as the Brazilian government attempts to address the issue of gender inequality by establishing a gender quota in 1995, women continue to be marginalized from electoral politics. The quota law fails to increase the presence of women in legislatures because the language of the law combined with Brazil well-established electoral rules provides parties with loopholes that allow them to field female candidates but not provide them with the support needed to win the election. The empirical analysis show that political capital--the skills acquired or learned by candidates that make them "electable" in the eyes of political elites, campaign donors, and voters--is key in increasing female representation. The analysis shows, however, that political capital in Brazil is gendered in the sense that the professions that are more likely to raise more campaign funds and more likely to win an elected seat are dominated by male candidates, reinforcing the idea that women are marginalized from electoral politics in Brazil

The Transformation of South African Private Law After Twenty Years of Democracy

In The Transformation of South African Private Law after Ten Years of Democracy, 37 COLUM. HUM. RTS. L. REV. 447 (2006), I evaluated the role of private law in consolidating South Africa’s constitutional democracy. There, I traced the negative effects of apartheid from public law to private law, and then to the law of delict, South Africa’s counterpart to tort law. I demonstrated that the law of delict failed to develop under apartheid and that the values animating the law of delict under apartheid were inconsistent with the values and aspirations of South Africa’s democratic transformation. By the end of its first decade, South Africa had made considerable progress developing private law, but there was still much work to be done in developing the law of delict, and especially contract law. This article evaluates South Africa’s second decade of constitutional democracy. While South Africa continues to make democratic gains, it also faces serious problems with race, gender, and wealth inequality. This article reviews South Africa’s democratic achievements and challenges over the last twenty years. It provides a brief overview of private law under apartheid before addressing a number of post-apartheid democracy-reinforcing changes to private law. It then analyzes the historically conservative common law of contracts and a recent case that progressively develops the law of contracts and delict. Next, it turns to the Consumer Act of 2008, which has important implications for both contract law and delict. The Act is analyzed in light of two contrasting dramatic helicopter crashes: one that occurred before the Act came into effect, and one after. While there has been considerable progress, there is still a need for improvement. More can be done to align private law with the Constitution’s values, to confront persistent inequality, and promote freedom, dignity, and access to justice. Such breakthroughs would also deepen and stabilize South Africa’s democracy by bringing democratic principles and values into the everyday lives of those affected by private law