633,688 research outputs found

    Electronic plebiscites

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    We suggest a technology and set of procedures by which a major democratic de?cit of modern society can be addressed. The mechanism, whilst it makes limited use of cryptographic techniques in the background, is based around objects and procedures with which voters are currently familiar. We believe that systems like this hold considerable potential for the extension of democratic participation and control

    Draft: A proposal for a workshop on methodologies of legislation and legal institution-building appropriate for nations seeking to transform their economic and legal systems

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    A proposal for a workshop to help formerly third-world and/or socialist countries transform their legal systems as part of becoming a more democratic country

    What can democratic theory teach us about scientific pluralism, objectivity and consensus?

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    Scientific pluralism, a normative endorsement of the plurality or multiplicity of knowledge systems in science, has recently been advocated by several philosophers of science (e.g., Kellert et al. 2006, Kitcher 2002, Longino 2002, Mitchell 2009, and Chang 2010). Comparing these accounts of scientific pluralism, one will encounter quite some variation. We want to clarify the different interpretations of scientific pluralism by showing how they incarnate different models of democracy – our taxonomy of models of democracy is mainly inspired by the work of Chantal Mouffe. Drawing on the parallels between models of scientific pluralism and models of democracy, we can articulate how the plurality of knowledge systems in science should interact within a democratic framework as well as how to cultivate multiple knowledge systems without getting stranded in relativism or ending up in an unwanted monism. Furthermore, democratic theory – i.e. theories of democracy – can help us stipulating how different research traditions or knowledge systems can interact in the most productive way possible, constituting the most objective account possible (understanding objectivity as social process). Finally, analyzing the symmetries between models of science and models of democracy will also shine light on the ideal of the scientific consensus (cf. Beatty 2006, Moore & Beatty 2010). As a case-study, we scrutinize how we could use such a democratic framework to understand the plurality of models in economics, including, for instance, the debate among the orthodoxy and the heterodoxy in that discipline (cf. Van Bouwel, 2009)

    NON-DEMOCRATIC SYSTEMS: TYPES AND CHARACTERISTICS

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    While studying political systems nowadays, science usually considers the characteristics of the democratic systems and the systems that transit from non-democratic to democratic. The overall impression is that very little attention is paid to studying the characteristics and the types of non-democratic systems. Such neglect of the characteristics and types of non-democratic systems contributes to the general public ignoring the danger of the rise of such systems. The rise of non-democratic systems in the last two decades in the world is evident and therefore it is important that the basic characteristics and types of non-democratic regimes are clearly elaborated. In that direction, this paper aims to define non-democratic systems, make a clear distinction between totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, and elaborate on the different types of authoritarian regimes. The paper also analyzes the rise of hybrid regimes and their difference from classic authoritarian regimes. Through such an elaboration of the non-democratic systems, the paper concludesthat the non-democratic systems possess characteristics and values that are not compatible with the rule of law and the protection of human freedoms and rights, and therefore their progress represents a global threat and danger

    Gender and democratic politics: a comparative analysis of consolidation in Argentina and Chile

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    This article highlights a number of themes useful in the gendered analysis of democratic consolidation in Latin America by means of a comparative analysis of Argentina and Chile. It starts from the assumption that much of the work on democratisation in Latin America – both orthodox and the literature concentrating on women and transitions – produced up until now, has been too voluntaristic in its approach. It argues that what is needed, particularly in the study of democratic consolidation, is an analysis not only of the impact of women and women's organisations on institutions and structures but also of how these institutions and structures can shape and change gender relations and different women's activities. Any gendered analysis of democratic consolidation must begin by examining the terms of transition which, while they can be subject to some renegotiation later, affect the nature of the subsequent system and the space available to different actors. It is argued that a number of characteristics of the post-transition system are significant: first the impact of more arbitrary populist or presidential systems, second the importance of women's organising both inside and outside the state and party systems and third the existence of an institutionalised party system

    Democratic systems of translates

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