The Democracy in Plural Societies: On Arend Lijphart's Theory about Democracy

在传统的观念中民主被等同于多数统治。代议制的兴起表明古典民主人人轮番为治的直接民主成为历史，但是作为民主决策的基本规则，代议制民主依然坚信民主统治的合法性在于竞争中获得多数支持的一方。英国是代议制民主的发源地，威斯敏斯特宫是现代议会之母，同时也是政党政治的诞生地，两党竞争和权力集中是威斯敏斯特民主的典型特征，在这一体制下获胜的多数“胜者通吃”，而少数则被排除在权力之外，因此威斯敏斯特民主又被称为多数主义民主。作为代议制民主的典范，威斯敏斯特民主自产生以来就以高效和稳定而著称，因而备受西方学者的青睐。相反，欧洲大陆国家如法国、意大利等国民主政体的低效和动荡却与威斯敏斯特民主政体形成了鲜明的对比。...The rise of representative democracy means that the classic rule of direct democracy of everyone in turn has become history, but as the basic rules of democratic decision-making, representative democracy always believed the legitimacy of democratic rule is still firmly based on support of majority in competition of different political groups. Britain is the birthplace of representative democracy, ...学位：法学博士院系专业：公共事务学院政治学系_政治学理论学号：1382008015005

How Theoretically Opposite Models of Interethnic Power-Sharing Can Complement Each Other and Contribute to Political Stabilization: The Case of Nigeria

The aim of this article is to demonstrate the thesis that the stabilization of Nigeria’s complicated political situation is furthered by the functioning in that country of institutions based on two models of interethnic power-sharing – consociationalism and centripetalism – and that the two are to some extent complementary in Nigerian practice, despite the fact that political theory sees the two as opposites of each other. The article begins with a short analysis of the political situation in Nigeria. This is followed by a presentation of the problem of defining the notion of political stability and an assessment of the same in the Nigerian context. The article then goes on to discuss the nature of centripetalism and consociationalism and specific centripetal and consociational institutions involved in the stabilization of the political situation in Nigeria. The article ends with the author’s conclusions about the initial thesis. The article has been published in "Politeja" 2016, vol. 42, no. 3, pp. 53-73. For more on combining institutions of different models of power-sharing see: Krzysztof Trzcinski, Hybrid Power Sharing: On How to Stabilize the Political Situation in Multi-Segmental Societies, "Politeja" 2018, vol. 56, no. 5, pp. 86-107

Citizenship and ethnic relations in Kosovo

The article explores the issue of multi-ethnic society, by looking at the state iconography, the citizenship issue as well as ethnic relations based on Kosovo as a case study. The theoretical framework is based on the power-sharing model known as consociationalism democracy. Research methods applied here are based mainly in discourse analysis and in content analysis of relevant documents, literature and other sources. The inter-ethnic relations between Serbs and Albanians will be traced historically from the period after the Second World War, following with the dissolution of Yugoslavia and Milosevic’s regime, continuing with the post-conflict period in Kosovo through to the declaration of Kosovo’s Independence. Then different levels and diverse aspects of the relationship will be explored. The issues of citizenship will be discussed as relevant research topics. The next part of research addresses state symbols and their impact on ethnic relations and integrations efforts. Finally, the conclusions will be presented and summarized, including a brief discussion of questions of multi-ethnic society and civic identity in Kosovo

Good Fences: The Importance of Setting Boundaries for Peaceful Coexistence

We consider the conditions of peace and violence among ethnic groups, testing a theory designed to predict the locations of violence and interventions that can promote peace. Characterizing the model's success in predicting peace requires examples where peace prevails despite diversity. Switzerland is recognized as a country of peace, stability and prosperity. This is surprising because of its linguistic and religious diversity that in other parts of the world lead to conflict and violence. Here we analyze how peaceful stability is maintained. Our analysis shows that peace does not depend on integrated coexistence, but rather on well defined topographical and political boundaries separating groups. Mountains and lakes are an important part of the boundaries between sharply defined linguistic areas. Political canton and circle (sub-canton) boundaries often separate religious groups. Where such boundaries do not appear to be sufficient, we find that specific aspects of the population distribution either guarantee sufficient separation or sufficient mixing to inhibit intergroup violence according to the quantitative theory of conflict. In exactly one region, a porous mountain range does not adequately separate linguistic groups and violent conflict has led to the recent creation of the canton of Jura. Our analysis supports the hypothesis that violence between groups can be inhibited by physical and political boundaries. A similar analysis of the area of the former Yugoslavia shows that during widespread ethnic violence existing political boundaries did not coincide with the boundaries of distinct groups, but peace prevailed in specific areas where they did coincide. The success of peace in Switzerland may serve as a model to resolve conflict in other ethnically diverse countries and regions of the world.Comment: paper pages 1-14, 4 figures; appendices pages 15-43, 20 figure

Power Sharing and Zoning Formula for Managing Nigeria's Diversity: A Case of the Fourth Republic

Nigeria is composed of plural and multi-complex societies with multiple ethnic groups of up to 500 cultural diversities. This country surmounts the obstacles of managing diversity through an informal setting popularly identified as a zoning formula and power sharing among the federating units. The pattern and trend in which the practice maintains Nigeria's diversity is a good lesson for a study of plural societies and consociationalism. The study aimed to examine the nature and dimension of zoning formula and power sharing in Nigeria and analyze how the strategies of zoning formula and power sharing helped manage diversity in Nigeria. The study was identified as a descriptive qualitative method that sought to describe Nigeria's strategy for managing diversity. The study uncovered that power sharing and zoning consist of constitutional and unconstitutional ones, with the former supported by legal provisions. Simultaneously, the latter is designed based on principles and gentleman agreements. The study recommended that constitutional provisions should never be sacrificed on the altar of the personal elite agreement. Instead, sharing power through zoning should be retained to prevent suicide for credibility and competency. It is a plausible shock absorber that will continue to sustain Nigerian federalism, and other plural societies can borrow this model as a political means of resolving diversities

Ongoing Pristina – Belgrade Talks: from Decentralization to Regional Cooperation and Future Perspectives. EDAP 4/2012

On 17 February 2008, Kosovo declared independence, ending its nine years unresolved status. The principal goal was, and remains, the need to involve different communities in the state structures. The new state, which aims to fulfil all the obligations set by the Ahtisaari plan, is trying to complete the decentralization process the implementation of which continuous to face obstacles in the two main communities: the Serbs and the Albanians. This article discusses matters related to community acceptance of the decentralization process, the functioning of the parallel structures, the situation in North Kosovo and the on - going talks between Pristina and Belgrade. The article provides evidences that while the implementation of the decentralization process is the best possibility for Kosovo, it must not follow only an ethnic line

Political participation from a citizenship perspective

Conventional academic studies on political participation mostly focus on electoral politics including electoral systems, political party structures and their interaction with other governmental processes. These studies adopt an approach that presumes the existence of a pre-defined people (demos). Hence, existing literature on electoral politics and government structures take for granted a pre-defined demos and then survey participatory practices. Yet, there is another way to study political participation. It can be studied from the angle of citizenship. This involves an approach that does not rely on an ex post facto interest in the activities of a pre-defined demos but one that unravels the factors that go into its definition. Study of political participation from a citizenship perspective contains an effort to problematize the very notion of demos. Decoupling of national identity and participation empowers a vision of citizenship not as membership in a nation-state but as a set of rights that include multi-cultural rights. It is the contention of this article that European Union processes have the potential to contribute to the deepening of democratization by promoting diversity through introduction of denationalization of citizenship as well as processes of deliberation in member and candidate countries