Protect, constrain, contest: approaches for coordinated transatlantic economic and technological competition with China

The Biden Presidency offers opportunities for a renewed effort at formulating a coordinated allied approach to technological and economic competition with China. The latest report from China Foresight at LSE IDEAS provides a guiding framework for transatlantic coordination, and offers insights into key elements of future cooperation. While challenges abound, the opportunities for action prove just as great in number

Face and Its Effect on Modern Historical Memory: Nanjing, China’s Massacre and Japan’s Incident

Rising tensions and an increased number of incidents between China and Japan in the current century show that the Nanjing Massacre has had an indisputable effect on modern Sino-Japanese relations politically and socially. Iris Chang’s book of popular history, The Rape of Nanking (1997), both renewed scholarly research and moved the debate into the public eye. This shift in the debate has led to continuing tensions between the two societies even as their governments officially maintain a peaceful relationship. The culture of “face” has made these Sino-Japanese tensions consistently intractable in the 21st century and sparked a number of anti-Japan protests in China. After Japan betrayed its position as inferior to the superior China by committing atrocities upon the Chinese people and has since refused to directly apologize for these atrocities, the Chinese people have been unable to resolve the issue of their humiliation as a countr

Engaging China in the Twenty-First Century: An Analysis of U.S.-China Relations and Recommendations for the Future

In this thesis, I explore the fragile political relationship between China and the United States. In the past decade, an intensifying level of competition between the two powers is advancing the perception amongst a growing number of Americans that China will one day emerge as a future adversary that will draw the U.S into a strategic rivalry and possible security conflict. The purpose of my thesis is to determine the type of “threat” China presents to the United States, and based on this assessment determine which policies would best increase the possibility for collaboration while limiting the potential for future rivalry between the two powers. I used theories of structural realism to explain the developing power dynamic between China and the United States. I argue against the claims stipulated by proponents of this theory who maintain that a security conflict or strategic rivalry between China and the U.S. is inevitable. Moreover, I also refute the claim that China seeks to grow powerful enough to overturn the existing order. Instead, I take the position that based on China’s international behavior it can be deemed a “rational power” that acts in accordance with its own self-interests. It would be contrary to China’s interests to precipitate a security conflict with the United States over Taiwan because, in the same way the U.S. is economically dependent on China, China is heavily reliant on access to U.S. markets to sustain its current growth levels. From my research, I concluded as China emerges as a global power, the challenges it presents to the U.S. are tempered with greater opportunities for collaboration, reaching beyond commercial interests extending to diplomatic and security matters

REDEFINING AMERICAN INTERESTS: ANALYZING US POLICY SHIFTS DURING THE SPACE RACE WITH CHINA (2011-2021)

This research delves into the changing patterns of identity and anarchy culture experienced by the United States in the chronology of the space race with China from 2011 to 2021. Utilizing Alexander Wendt’s constructivist theory, this study explores the transformation in US space policy as a response to China’s growing presence in space exploration. The qualitative methodology employed involves thematic analysis of secondary data sources, including congressional minutes, official statements, media coverage, and public speeches. The findings reveal a dynamic shift in the US’s identity, influenced by its interactions on the international stage. During the Cold War, the US’s identity, shaped by a Hobbesian culture of anarchy, was marked by rivalry with the Soviet Union. Post-Cold War, the focus shifted to demonstrating leadership through international cooperation, reflecting a Kantian logic. However, with the emergence of China as a formidable competitor, the US identity has once again transformed, now characterized by a Lockean culture of competition rather than direct conflict. This shift has led to significant policy reformulations, including strategic partnerships and renewed emphasis on self-reliance in space missions, such as the Artemis program and collaboration with private sector companies like SpaceX. These results highlight the intricate relationship between national identity, perceived threats, and policy responses, underscoring the fluid nature of US space policy in the context of global space contestation

Innovativeness of the US economy. Permanent or weakening dominance?

The paper is divided into three parts. In the first one, main causes of American leadership in the field of technology are explained. In the second part, innovation performance of the US economy in comparison with the EU and Asian economies is presented. Finally, there is an analysis of innovation capacity of US economy in the context of challenges resulting from the financial and economic crisis.Strukturę opracowania można przedstawić następująco: po wprowadzeniu dokonano charakterystyki głównych czynników i procesów, które przyczyniły się do powstania dominacji gospodarki Stanów Zjednoczonych w dziedzinie innowacyjności, następnie poddano analizie zjawisko zmniejszania się przewagi innowacyjnej tej gospodarki nad resztą świata, a w dalszej kolejności skoncentrowano uwagę na zagadnieniu wpływu współczesnego kryzysu gospodarczego na perspektywy utrzymania przewagi technologicznej Stanów Zjednoczonych

Conflict or Compromise: China’s Perceptions and Intentions Regarding Us Defense Policy Towards Taiwan

Gabriel Weiss: Conflict or Compromise: China’s Perceptions and Intentions Regarding US Defense Policy Towards Taiwan (Under the direction of Dr. Joshua Howard) China’s perception ofTaiwan as a “renegade” province continues to be a source of contention in Sino-US relations. Domestic pressures have reinforced Beijing’s commitment to enforcing the One-China policy and regaining Taiwan. In recent years, the US has failed to reduce weapons sales to Taiwan. Additionally, America has displayed a willingness to employ military force in defense of its global interests. These factors have led China to perceive the US as a potential foe—particularly in regards to the Taiwan issue. Committed to regaining Taiwan, China currently pursues a dual approach in regards to facilitating reunification—civilian and military. The civilian approach entails working towards reunification via political and economic influence. The military approach involves preparing the PLA for a potential cross-Strait contingency. With an increasingly powerful military, China plans to deter the US from intervening in defense ofTaiwan. If peaceful means fail, China hopes to develop the PLA to the point that it would overcome any joint Taiwanese and American resistance in a conflict over the island. Beijing currently employs a reactive policy of active defense. The policy is active in that China seeks to deter and preempt potential violations ofthe One-China policy. On the other hand, the PRC’s strategy is reactive in that Beijing’s relationship to the US remains based on the degree to which America adheres to the One-China policy. In the event of a perceived violation ofits One-China policy, China responds with sharp rhetoric and threatening displays of force. This allows the PRC to satisfy the needs of domestic consumption while at the same time deterring further perceived encroachments on China’s territorial sovereignty. Still, China currently prefers a peaceful solution to the Taiwan issue and avoids letting its relationship with the US deteriorate completely. The balance of power in the Taiwan-Strait is currently shifting in China’s favor. Whether by peaceful means, or with military force, the PRC is gradually moving to ensure reunification with Taiwan. Ifthe US hopes to resolve the Taiwan issue in its favor, Washington must act quickly—possibly by facilitating the creation of a “One-Nation, Three-System” arrangement. This solution has the potential to defuse the Taiwan issue as a lingering source of contention in Sino-US relations

Wrestling with Japanese Tribalism Emerging Collaborative Opportunities For India and Japan

Japanese firms, with their strong technology base and high domestic factor costs, have the potential of teaming with India, with its more basic infrastructure and eight times the population. Japan's poorly-performing excess capital could fuel India's strongly-developing middle class and robust entrepreneurialism. Especially promising are collaborative information technology projects. What stands in the way of a greatly expanded relationship? Much of the blockage stems from Japan's insularism, an impetus here labeled tribalism. A hopeful dimension is that this tribalism can be clearly defined as archaic, recognized as detrimental, and then toned-down. Further points for development include an active campaign to encourage diversity in Japan, teaming up to provide alternatives to investment in neighboring China, and agitating for representation on the UN Security Council. India can help initiate all these processes, and can in turn benefit from a Japan reaching out for regional economic partnerships.homogeneity; tribalism; UN Security Council; partnership; immigration; trade; e-Japan strategy

Revisiting China’s climate policy

Edited by Akihisa MoriAgainst the emergence of multilateral climate governance, China showed a hostile stance, opposing the obligation to reduce greenhouse-gas emissions. However, China has gradually changed its stance to accept a non-obligatory reduction of carbon intensity and become proactive in this reduction. Meanwhile, it has implemented a number of climate policy measures. Against this backdrop, this chapter aims to explore what changed China’s hostile stance to a proactive one through revisiting the policy process and outcomes the Chinese government has taken to address the climate-energy conundrum. The findings can be summarized as follows. First, China’s climate policy has been centered on energy development strategies, thus is framed as energy policy. However, detailed policy measures have been adjusted in order to make them realistic and effective, incorporating the vested interests of local governments and national oil companies (NOCs), the government’s desire to create new growth points, and emerging health concerns. Second, the resultant climate-energy policy provokes conflicts of interest between provincial governments, NOCs, and distributed energy producers, blocking changes in the energy mix from accelerating and impairing the structural effect for CO₂ emission reductions. Such domestic conflicts of interest are shifting the government focus toward “going global” in coal and hydropower industries

The 30th AAS Goddard Memorial Symposium. World space programs and fiscal reality: Synopsis

A full proceedings of the symposium will be issued later in the year. This synopsis consists of summations of three sessions by appointed rapporteurs. International figures in space and in politics spoke at the sessions. Themes of international cooperation and fiscal reality pervaded the conference. International speakers from Canada, the European Space Agency, Russia, Japan and China and other countries addressed the topic of the symposium. American representation included Senator Barbara Mikulski, former NASA administrator James Beggs and other speakers