Imagining Taiwan : the making and the museological representation of art in Taiwan's quest for identity (1987-2010)

This thesis probes and analyses the critical role of art in the shaping of Taiwan's national identity during the period 1987-2010. With the rise of democratisation and national identity consciousness (bentu yishi), Taiwan's quest for national identity intensified after the lifting of martial law in 1987. The thesis challenges the view that art has played an inconsequential role in this identity discourse by demonstrating that artists, curators and art museums have significantly contributed towards the processes of identity formation, particularly during the peak period of the early-mid 1990s. Focusing on the nature and extent of the contribution of artists, curators and art museums to Taiwan's quest for identity, the thesis explores how national identity narratives were imagined, interpreted, projected and transmitted, nationally and internationally, through the production, selection and exhibition of art from Taiwan. Structurally, the thesis contextualizes each socio-political period, providing the backdrop for a series of case studies. These demonstrate how artists, curators and art museums became active agents in the processes of national identity formation, not only promoting but also critiquing and contesting identity narratives revolving around the concept of a 'Taiwan nation'. Given that national identities are relational and fluid constructs, the thesis reveals how identity discourses in art had diminished in significance by the early twenty-first century when globalisation, the rise of China, and art market forces transformed identity discourses in art from a Taiwan-centred narrative into one embracing not only regional and global perspectives but, most critically, dialogue and exchange with China

Case-Based Reasoning of Man-Made Geohazards Induced by Rainfall on Transportation Systems

Due to global warming and environmental change, disastrous natural events have increased in scale and impact, e.g., Typhoon Morakot, in 2009 and 2011 Tōhoku earthquake and resulting tsunami in Japan. Hazard management is becoming increasingly important, making it a necessity to manage risk and fully understand critical scenarios. For example, the National Infrastructure Protection Plan of the United States emphasizes on lessons learned from past disasters. In this chapter, several selected cases of accidents caused by man-made geohazards in Taiwan are studied

The economic security of Taiwan : a case study of cross-strait relations between Taiwan and China, 2000-2004

This thesis aims to demonstrate that economic security is also a significant pillar of safeguarding national security. Aside from military security measures, adopting peaceful economic engagement and economic measures can be an alternative security policy choice through which a state may achieve its national security agenda. To facilitate an understanding of economic security, this thesis submits a working definition of economic security, which has been delineated as 'the protection of a core value from all forms of potential or actualised threat by using economic measures and policies'. The core value refers to national interests and security Objectives. With this framework, the current thesis takes Taiwan as a case study to assess Taiwan's effort of implementing economic security strategy to accomplish its national security agenda within the context of the complex and hostile cross-Strait relations yet growing economic integration. This research intends to answer three categories of questions. Firstly, how large is the cost to Taiwan of pursuing economic security vis-a-vis China, and what is Taiwan's capability to afford such cost? Secondly, what factors would contribute to or undermine Taiwan's efforts in practising economic security, and to what extent? Thirdly, do cross-Strait economic ties strengthen or weaken Taiwan's economic security with respect to its economic performance, and to what extent? From three perspectives, this study analyses the above questions. Firstly, it analyses how Taiwan has employed economic power to construct its national security within the international system. Secondly, it examines how Taiwan has utilised economic measures to resist China's political and economic influence. Thirdly, from an economic perspective, it examines whether Taiwan's economic security objectives, in the context of its capability of sustaining economic prosperity, have been enhanced when it has engaged in economic exchange with China

An interpretive approach to digital divide policy-making: a comparative study of China and Taiwan

An interpretive approach to digital divide Policy-making: A comparative study of China and TaiwanThis thesis investigates how problems for policy become defined as well as how policy responses are subsequently designed to address these problems. It was motivated by the substantive concern that existing literature on digital divide policy is derived from Western countries, and embedded within Western rationales. In contrast, the way in which digital divide policy is made in developing countries had received relatively little attention. In light of this gap in the literature, empirical research was carried out on the development of digital divide policy-making, highlighting policies from two developing countries as examples: Cun Cun Tong (providing every village with a telephone and internet connection) Policy in China and Digital Opportuniry Centre/APEC Digital Opportunity Centre in Taiwan.Theoretically, this research adopts an interdisciplinary rationale, combining an interpretative approach from the field of policy research and key concepts from Science and Technology Studies. It aims to overcome a shortcoming of much traditional research on the digital divide which, in its commitment to its substantive concerns has been un-reflexive in its approach. This thesis demonstrates how an interpretative approach can produce new insights into digital divide policy from a more critical perspective. It elucidates how understandings of the digital divide are articulated (initially in discussions in the USA and the European Union) and become promulgated through international organizations during the early 1990s to the year 2005, and how they are then ultimately 'domesticated', becoming embedded within particular national contexts and policy discourses.Methodologically, this research adopts a strategy of triangulation. It combines various modes and methods of enquiry: discourse analysis of policy documents is supplemented with interviewing policy-makers. Interviews are used to obtain first-hand materials which throw light on the orientation and context of the various actors who participate in policy-making and their concerns/discourses during policy-making. Finally, there is an analysis of policy outcomes. This research also contributes to opening the black box of policy-making, particularly in China, a context which presents particular challenges for the researcher.Empirically, the findings provide an in-depth understanding of digital divide policy-making in developing countries. Firstly, it is demonstrated that international and national contexts matter in digital divide policy-making. Policy similarities can be explained by both the international context and local context. International policy discourses provide commonly available intellectual resources, whereas similarities in local contexts, for example a shared technocratic tradition. These international and national contexts also impact on the participants who are involved in digital divide policy-making, for example, the technocratic tradition of China and Taiwan is a factor underpinning the choice of policy participants with science and technology backgrounds. These participants then learn and exchange experiences from international organisations and other countries through international conferences, official policy websites, and personal contacts. Secondly, the study found that the relationship between discourses and policy-making is by no means as straightforward and linear as some interpretations of discursive shaping might imply. Discourses may have influences on policy development; however some inclusion strategies arose within domestic departments in advance of alignment with international digital divide discourses, as a result of pre-existing concerns within the national policy settings. A third, and related finding is that there is a gap between policy formation and policy implementation, the exploration of which reveals the complexity of policy discourses. For example, some policy texts were found to emphasise social development, whereas the implementation predominantly centres on the equipment of infrastructures. Finally, the most crucial contribution of this thesis is its development of an interdisciplinary interpretive approach to scrutinise digital divide policy. This provides a basis for future research in this area, as well as a means to address the limitations of existing approaches

E-governance in the new democracies: the case of Taiwan

It is expected that the ICTs can maximise the benefits for improved governance and electronic democracy in the information age. This study explores the impact of e-government upon citizens and demonstrates how this kind of electronic medium affects the quality of democracy in the context of the new democracies. Taiwan's peculiar characteristics, which combine a Confucian context, a new democracy and a leading performance in e-government, offers an interesting example of the conceptual diversity of e-government in itself, especially in relation to the level of democracy. Thus, this study uses the Taiwanese experience of developing, using and understanding e-government to identify the effect of e-governance in the new democracies. It integrates larger theoretical and empirical evidence, drawing upon several disciplines, including political science and public administration, communications studies, education and the sociology of technology. The research methods deployed are: documentary analysis, secondary analysis, content analysis and interview. The data are cross-referred and the analysis is presented in different sections. In this study, four themes are discussed: civil education, the policy initiatives, the public use and the public understanding of e-government. I first indicate that civic education in Taiwan has gradually paid more attention to the mode of participation, but the values supporting democracy have not yet been fully instilled. Secondly, the Taiwanese government has been more inclined to use e-government to reorganise itself than to incorporate more of the public in its operation. Thirdly, democratic participation has not yet extended in the public use of e-government in Taiwan. Fourthly, e-government in Taiwan has a modem format, but lacks political efficacy, since it lacks the mechanisms through which people can affect public policy. I conclude that e-government has been used as a modem means to rework authoritarianism. People suffer from a 'democratic deficit' in their understanding and use of e-government. The effects of e-governance have been constrained by the legacy of authoritarianism and the public's democratic deficit. Therefore, in the new democracies, the prospects of electronic democracy should not be overestimated. E-government may be over-rated as a weapon for consolidating democracy

A dichotomy dismantled : reflections on National Identity among supporters of third force political parties in Taiwan

This thesis explores Taiwanese national identity among supporters of so-called “Third Force” political parties that have emerged as an alternative to Taiwan’s two “old” parties, the KMT and the DPP. The Third Force parties are taken as a manifestation of a stronger Taiwanese identity in a society long characterised by competing Taiwanese and Chinese identities. Taiwanese identity has strengthened in surveys simultaneously with Taiwan’s deepening economic and political integration with China in 2008–2016, and the establishment of the Third Force parties can be seen as a counter-reaction to increasing Chinese influence over Taiwan. This thesis analyses these developments by examining how supporters of Third Force parties define and understand their Taiwanese identity and how this identity relates to Taiwan’s history and the recent socio-political developments, particularly the deepening integration with China. Based on a theoretical background of social constructionism and interdependence in international relations, this thesis uses secondary research to explore the history and contemporary developments of Taiwanese identity and primary research through qualitative semi-structured interviews with Third Force supporters, complemented by an interview with a Third Force politician. The national identity of the interviewees is examined through qualitative content analysis. Additionally, the study includes the author’s personal field observations from Taiwan in 2016–17. The results indicate that Third Force supporters construct their identity through democratic civic values. Thus, their rejection of Chinese identity arises from the lack of similar values in China. This sense of identity has evolved dynamically through societal functions such as education and life experiences within the context of contested official and popular nationalisms. Owing to this identity, the Third Force supporters wish that Taiwan could become a “normal” country whose existence is not defined in relation to China. A similarly broader focus is desired in domestic politics to break the old dichotomy of the KMT and the DPP. Through comparisons with earlier research, this study proposes a model of national identity among Third Force supporters. It depicts a civic community that governs a multitude of ethnicities, political actors, and international networks grounded in shared civic values. Adherents to this model reject ethno-nationalism and the dichotomous struggle between Taiwanese and Chinese identities by asserting an inclusive and flexible yet overtly Taiwanese civic identity. Further research should be conducted to establish the validity of this model and its relation to Taiwanese society in general

Five Turtles in a Flask: For Taiwan's Outer Islands. An Uncertain Future Holds a Certain Fate.

M.A. Thesis. University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa 2018

The Tug-of-War Over Press Freedom in Hong Kong : From 1st July 1997 to 30th June 2001

The year 1997 marked a significant change in the history of Hong Kong, for it was returned to China after 156 years of British control, and became a Special Administrative Region (SAR) of the People\u27s Republic of China. While the territory was still a British colony, it was considered a stronghold for liberal journalism in Asia. Since the years leading to the handover, mainland Chinese officials have criticised the Hong Kong press for abusing the laissez-faire media environment. The flamboyant style of the Hong Kong media contradicted the rigid, socialist ideology of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). As the handover drew closer, the differences between the social and political systems became even starker. This thesis likens China\u27s growing interference in the Hong Kong press and the SAR\u27s corresponding resistance to a game of \u27tug-of war\u27, with the meaning of the word \u27press\u27 in \u27press freedom\u27 being narrowed down to \u27print newspapers\u27. It explores the controversy over Beijing\u27s alleged infringements on the territory\u27s press freedom, by studying three cases involving mainland intervention that occurred during the first four years after the handover. Meanwhile, it stresses that the future of a liberal press in Hong Kong should neither be seen as gloomy nor impossible, by showing how local defenders of a free press have responded to the three incidents. In addition, this thesis provides an insight on the importance of preserving press freedom in Hong Kong, as well as how China and the SAR can reach a compromise on this issue. In contrast to other work in this area which often highlights the fact that Hong Kong\u27s press freedom has been increasingly under threat and would probably vanish altogether, this thesis hopes to provide a new interpretation of this problematic issue in an optimistic way. It also wishes to offer the reader a better understanding of what is meant by press freedom in Hong Kong

E-governance in the new democracies : the case of Taiwan

It is expected that the ICTs can maximise the benefits for improved governance and electronic democracy in the information age. This study explores the impact of e-government upon citizens and demonstrates how this kind of electronic medium affects the quality of democracy in the context of the new democracies. Taiwan's peculiar characteristics, which combine a Confucian context, a new democracy and a leading performance in e-government, offers an interesting example of the conceptual diversity of e-government in itself, especially in relation to the level of democracy. Thus, this study uses the Taiwanese experience of developing, using and understanding e-government to identify the effect of e-governance in the new democracies. It integrates larger theoretical and empirical evidence, drawing upon several disciplines, including political science and public administration, communications studies, education and the sociology of technology. The research methods deployed are: documentary analysis, secondary analysis, content analysis and interview. The data are cross-referred and the analysis is presented in different sections. In this study, four themes are discussed: civil education, the policy initiatives, the public use and the public understanding of e-government. I first indicate that civic education in Taiwan has gradually paid more attention to the mode of participation, but the values supporting democracy have not yet been fully instilled. Secondly, the Taiwanese government has been more inclined to use e-government to reorganise itself than to incorporate more of the public in its operation. Thirdly, democratic participation has not yet extended in the public use of e-government in Taiwan. Fourthly, e-government in Taiwan has a modem format, but lacks political efficacy, since it lacks the mechanisms through which people can affect public policy. I conclude that e-government has been used as a modem means to rework authoritarianism. People suffer from a 'democratic deficit' in their understanding and use of e-government. The effects of e-governance have been constrained by the legacy of authoritarianism and the public's democratic deficit. Therefore, in the new democracies, the prospects of electronic democracy should not be overestimated. E-government may be over-rated as a weapon for consolidating democracy.EThOS - Electronic Theses Online ServiceGBUnited Kingdo