У раду се истражује једна традиција у британској спољнополитичкој мисли и пракси. Она је полазила од непријатељства према Русији, а
у Србима и осталим балканским православним народима није видела само
њена оруђа. Предлагана је замена непосредне османске власти на Балкану
„појасом“ аутономија, које би могле да буду поуздана брана пред продором
Русије. Да би се то постигло, требало је неговати самосвест вођа тих народа
и обећавати им територијална проширења. Национални идентитет Срба не
би се више заснивао на вери, која их је водила ка Русима, него на језику и
пореклу, факторима који су их окретали ка сродницима у суседним земљама. Једна струја те школе мишљења залагала се за аустријску окупацију тих
земаља, као најпоузданије средство против руске експанзије. У Првом светском рату уместо Аустроугарске створен је нов „појас“ независних држава
у источној Европи, са циљем обуздавања Русије и Немачке. У новој, југословенској држави требало је, међутим, обезбедити превласт римокатолика
над православним, вечито проруским Србима.The “external factor” was not the only element that led to the creation of Yugoslavia; however, the same can be said for the “internal factors”, such as, for example,
the dynamics of South Slavic nationalisms. This decisive historical event, which
would fundamentally change Serbian perceptions of the national identity and
patriotism, was not only the result of the actions of Great Britain; among other
things, in order to gain a complete picture, it is necessary to study the influence of
other Great Powers on the changes in Serbian identity.
Nevertheless, one current within different generations of British writers and
officials worked, for almost an entire century, on devising solutions that led to the
creation of the Yugoslav state. The primary source of this tradition in British foreign policy was hostility toward Russia and, much later, Germany. On the paths
of expansion of these states, it was necessary to strengthen existing or build new
state structures. The role of such “buffer states” had long belonged to the Habsburg Monarchy and the Ottoman Empire.
In the case of the Serbs and other Balkan Orthodox peoples, this current
did not see them as Russia’s instruments alone. It was observed that their selfawareness and desire to make their own decisions led them into conflicts with
the protectorally inclined Russia. Therefore, this self-awareness needed to be nurtured and encouraged.
In this context, territorial expansion promises were particularly useful. In the
case of the Serbs, who adhered to three different religions, it was necessary to redefine their existing national identity, which was primarily based on religion, and
direct it towards language, ethnic origin, and free choice, “a daily plebiscite”, as was done in Western and Central Europe. For Orthodox Serbs, religion led them
to Russia; this change was supposed to direct them toward their “non-Orthodox
brethren” in neighboring lands. The Poles and Czechs played an important role
in shaping such a policy toward the Serbs. In addition, the Serbs were constantly
warned about Russia’s territorial ambitions, as well as the supposed indifference
of Britain and France toward the Balkan territories.
The creation of a “belt” of autonomies within the Ottoman Empire was
meant to be a guarantee for the defense of this decaying empire, but also to secure
“reserve positions” for Britain’s interests in case of its collapse. Deep-rooted cultural prejudices and distrust toward Orthodox Serbs were evident in the fact that,
within such autonomous, united countries, constitutional solutions were to give
precedence to Roman Catholics and Muslims.
Within this current of British political thinking, there was a belief from the
outset that the most secure barrier against Russian and later German penetration
into these lands would still be the Habsburg Monarchy. When, during the Great
War, it finally sided with Germany, new borders were drawn across Eastern and
Southeastern Europe along the lines of these ideas. New independent countries,
from the Baltic to the Adriatic, took on the role of “buffer states”, meant to contain Germany and Russia. Within this solution, the Yugoslav state was established.Конференција „Концепти национализма и патриотизма у српском политичком дискурсу – Средњи век, нови век, савремено доба“, Филозофски факултет Универзитета у Београду 30. и 31. маја 2024. - Саопштења штампана у целин
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