釣魚台與區域安全意涵

[[abstract]]2009年9月美國空、海軍參謀長在前國防部長蓋茨（Robert Gates）的授權下簽署秘密備忘錄，正式提出「空海一體戰」（Air-sea Battle）理論，2010年2月出版的《四年期中國防總檢》（2010 Quadrennial Defense Review, QDR）正式採納了此一概念。基本上，「空海一體戰」主要用於指導美國戰役層次的作戰行動，主要設想的作戰對像是中共和伊朗。其次，其基本構想是將美國空軍、海軍的「感測器系統」、「打擊力量」、「防禦力量」與「支援力量」更加緊密結合、密切協同，提供一個安全的作戰區域，抵消對手的「反介入/區域拒止」（Anti-Access and Area Denial, A2AD）能力，確保美軍力量投送能力，使後續部隊安全進入，展開後續的作戰行動。基於美國此種新的作戰理念，未來勢必衝擊亞太戰略格局，在「空海一體戰」下，解構台灣既有的地緣戰略利基，發揮遲滯中共軍事佈局與牽制實際行動的能量，就成為台灣未來建軍備戰的指導原則。本文以為在美中「空海一體」VS「反介入/區域拒止」的戰場想定下，台灣必須採取「嵌入式」區域戰略構想，在建軍與備戰作為上，基於「攻勢性」、「主動性」與「先制性」封鎖理念，強化海、空聯合作戰的戰術與戰場經營，以及籌獲新一代足以因應上述能量的戰爭工具，誠為台灣能否扮演亞太軍事格局重要成員的關鍵。[[sponsorship]]淡江大學國際事務與戰略研究所[[conferencetype]]國內[[conferencetkucampus]]台北校園[[conferencedate]]20120615~20120615[[conferencelocation]]臺北市, 臺

A Study on the Historical and Legal Aspect on the Peace Line

This research is a study to examine the historical context of the Peace Line issue and to prove its legal character and legitimacy by analyzing the major issues of the Peace Line from perspective of international law. The major contents of this study are summarized as follows. The Declaration of the Peace Line is based on a ROK-Japanese history of fisheries dispute that lasted from colonial period to post-liberation, but the more direct background of the declaration is the abolition of the MacArthur Line. The abolition of the MacArthur Line, which restricted Japanese fishing vessels, was finalized, and as Japan avoided fisheries negotiations, Korea enforced the Declaration of the Peace Line. However, the Declaration of the Peace Line was criticized by countries such as Japan, the United States, the United Kingdom, and the Republic of China as it is unjustifiable by international law. This criticism began shortly after the Declaration of the Peace Line, and continued until 1965, when the dispute about the Peace Line was virtually concluded. During this period, Korea and Japan were sharply confronted even with a crisis of armed conflict, and the long discussion on the legal character and legitimacy of the Peace Line was conducted in the Korea-Japan Negotiation. It was difficult to narrow the gap between Korea and Japan because the two countries had different basic premises of the international law of the sea. However, since the establishment of the Park Chung-hee government, which emphasized the improvement of relations with Japan and economic development, both Korea and Japan have agreed on the establishment of a Exclusive Fisheries Zone, which was independent of the Peace Line, thereby the Peace Line as fisheries conservation zone line was virtually eliminated. The controversy over the legal character and legitimacy of the Peace Line has been continuing since the Declaration of the Peace Line. In particular, Japan has publicly insisted on the illegality of the Peace Line by international law, in connection with the issue of territorial sovereignty over Dokdo. This study has identified the legal character and legitimacy of the Peace Line, and its main contents are as follows. First, the legal character of the Peace Line can be summarized as fisheries conservation zone line, continental shelf boundary line, contiguous zone line, and defensive waters line. The Peace Line functioned as a contiguous zone line only to prevent smuggling. And the Peace Line was line of defensive waters, limited to the purpose of preventing the espionage of the communist spy. There was no major difference in understanding the claim that the Peace Line was fisheries conservation zone line and the continental shelf boundary line. However, the claim that the Peace Line was a territorial sea line is not correct, as considering the position of the Korean government, the content of the subsequent laws and the implementation of the legal regime of the territorial sea. The legal legitimacy problem of the Peace Line was analyzed from perspectives of the legal regime of the high seas fisheries, the legal regime of the continental shelf, maritime security jurisdiction, and the right of self-defense. As a result of the analysis, it was confirmed that the Peace Line was a legitimate measure in accordance with the international law of the time. The Declaration of the Peace Line was correspond with the development of the international law of the sea, which expanded the coastal jurisdiction of the coastal states. It was also a practice with “The Effect of the Establishment of Law”, which contributed to the establishment of the ‘Exclusive Fisheries Zone (EFZ)’, the ‘Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ)’ and ‘200-nautical-mile continental shelf boundary line’. Therefore, the position of Japanese government to insist on the illegality of the Peace Line then could not be considered as valid.|본 논문은 평화선 문제를 역사적으로 검토하여 그 역사적 맥락을 이해하고, 평화선에 관한 주요 쟁점들을 국제법적으로 분석하여 그 법적 성격과 정당성을 규명하려는 연구이다. 본 연구의 주요내용을 정리하면 다음과 같다. 평화선 선언은 해방 이전부터 이후까지 지속된 한⋅일 어업분쟁사에 기원을 두고 있지만, 보다 직접적인 선언 배경은 맥아더 라인의 철폐에 기인한다. 일본 어선의 침범을 제한하던 맥아더 라인의 철폐가 확정되고, 일본이 어업협상을 회피하면서 한국은 평화선 선언을 강행했다. 그러나 평화선 선언은 일본, 미국, 영국, 중화민국 등의 국가들로부터 국제법적으로 부당하다는 비판을 받았다. 이러한 비판은 평화선 선언 직후부터 시작되어 평화선 분쟁이 사실상 종결된 1965년까지 지속되었다. 이 기간 동안 한국과 일본은 무력충돌의 위기가 나타날 만큼 첨예하게 대립했으며, 한일회담에서는 평화선의 법적 성격과 정당성에 대한 지난한 토론이 이어졌다. 한⋅일 양국은 당대의 국제해양법에 대한 기본 전제가 달랐기 때문에 입장 차를 좁히기 어려웠다. 하지만 일본과의 관계 개선 및 경제발전을 중시한 박정희 정부가 출범한 이후 한⋅일 양국은 평화선과 상관없는 별도의 어업전관수역 설정에 합의했고, 이로써 어업보존수역선으로서의 평화선은 사실상 철폐되었다. 평화선의 법적 성격과 정당성에 대한 논란은 평화선 선언 직후부터 현재까지 계속되고 있다. 특히 일본은 독도 영유권 문제와 연계하여 평화선의 국제법적 부당성을 공공연하게 주장하고 있다. 이에 본 연구는 평화선의 법적 성격과 정당성을 규명하였고, 그 주요내용은 다음과 같다. 먼저 평화선의 법적 성격은 어업보존수역선, 대륙붕 경계선, 접속수역선, 국방선(방위수역선)으로 정리할 수 있다. 평화선은 밀수 및 밀입국 방지 기능에 한정해서 접속수역선으로 기능했다. 그리고 평화선은 공산간첩의 침투방지 목적에 한정된 방위수역선이었다. 평화선이 어업보존수역선⋅대륙붕 경계선이라는 주장에 대해서는 큰 이견이 없었다. 하지만 평화선이 영해선이라는 주장은 한국 정부의 입장, 후속 법률의 내용, 별개의 영해제도 시행 등을 고려했을 때 맞지 않았다. 평화선의 법적 정당성 문제는 공해어업질서, 대륙붕제도, 해양안보관할권 및 자위권 문제의 차원에서 각각 분석하였다. 분석 결과 평화선은 당대의 국제법질서에 부합한 정당한 조치였음이 확인되었다. 평화선 선언은 연안국의 해양관할권이 확대되어간 국제해양법의 발전방향과 일치했으며, 배타적 어업수역(EFZ)⋅배타적 경제수역(EEZ)제도와 200해리 대륙붕제도의 확립에 기여한 ‘법창설적 효력’을 지닌 관행이었다. 따라서 현재까지 평화선의 국제법적 부당성을 주장하는 일본 정부의 입장은 타당성이 부족하다고 평가할 수 있다.제1장 서론 1 제1절 연구의 목적 및 필요성 1 제2절 연구의 내용 및 방법 6 제2장 평화선 선언의 역사적 배경 9 제1절 해방 이전 일본의 한반도 어업침탈사 개관 9 제2절 해방 이후 맥아더 라인의 설정 12 제3절 맥아더 라인의 확장 및 침범에 대한 한국의 반발 15 제4절 맥아더 라인 철폐 문제와 한국의 대응 20 Ⅰ. 맥아더 라인 철폐 문제와 한국의 맥아더 라인 존속 요구 20 Ⅱ. 맥아더 라인의 대안 모색 23 제5절 인접해양에 대한 주권에 관한 선언 30 제3장 평화선 선언 이후 경과 35 제1절 평화선 선언 이후 각국의 반응 35 제2절 한⋅일 간 평화선 분쟁과 양국의 대응 40 Ⅰ. 분쟁의 고조와 클라크 라인의 설정 40 Ⅱ. 클라크 라인 폐지 이후 분쟁의 양상 45 제3절 한일회담과 평화선 관련 논의 50 Ⅰ. 제1차 한일회담 51 Ⅱ. 제2차 한일회담 55 Ⅲ. 제3차 한일회담 59 Ⅳ. 제4차 한일회담 62 Ⅴ. 제5차 한일회담 64 Ⅵ. 제6차 한일회담 66 Ⅶ. 제7차 한일회담 72 제4절 한일어업협정 체결 이후의 평화선 75 제4장 평화선의 법적 성격 77 제1절 평화선의 법적 성격에 관한 주요 쟁점 77 제2절 평화선의 법적 성격 분석 79 Ⅰ. 평화선은 영해선인가? 80 Ⅱ. 평화선은 접속수역선인가? 84 Ⅲ. 평화선은 국방선인가? 87 Ⅳ. 어업보존수역선 91 Ⅴ. 대륙붕 경계선 92 제5장 평화선의 법적 정당성 94 제1절 평화선의 법적 정당성에 관한 주요 쟁점 94 제2절 평화선의 법적 정당성 분석 98 Ⅰ. 평화선은 공해어업자유의 원칙을 위반했는가? 98 Ⅱ. 평화선은 법으로 확립된 대륙붕제도에 입각했는가? 117 Ⅲ. 국방선으로서의 평화선은 정당한가? 130 제6장 결론 145 참고문헌 150Maste

The Politics of China-Orientated Nationalism in Colonial Hong Kong 1949-1997: A History

This thesis is the first comprehensive study of the history of China-orientated nationalism in post-World War II (WWII) colonial Hong Kong. The thesis examines events in each decade diachronically and links them together in a broader perspective. It shows the continuities and changes in the meaning and politics of China-orientated nationalism and how the focus of that nationalism became increasingly on what was happening in Hong Kong rather than China in the long period from 1949 to 1997. Three types of China-orientated nationalism emerged in Hong Kong during the 1949-1997 period: cultural nationalism, political nationalism, and popular nationalism. Some of the exiled Chinese intellectuals in the 1950s promoted cultural nationalism, while political nationalism in Hong Kong revolved around the Chinese Communist Party-Guomindang (CCP-GMD) struggle. Popular nationalism in the post-1967 period was tied primarily to Hong Kong politics. This thesis demonstrates how the various nationalist sentiments were a product of the China factor, the Hong Kong factor, and colonialism. China-orientated nationalism was open to interpretation and its rise and evolution was a haphazard process. Over time, the rhetoric of political nationalism that revolved around the CCP-GMD struggle became less significant as younger generations of Hong Kong Chinese who had little interest in Chinese politics became politically active in the 1970s. In this new phase, nationalism was tied not to the pro-CCP/pro-GMD rhetoric of the 1950s and 1960s, but to young Hong Kong peoples concern about problems in Hong Kong society and Hong Kong politics. In the 1980s and 1990s, expressions of popular nationalism were linked to Hong Kong peoples concern over the future of Hong Kong following the Tiananmen Square incident and on the eve of the 1997 handover. This study of the evolution of China-orientated nationalism in colonial Hong Kong also provides an understanding of how the colonial government responded, and how some sectors of the Hong Kong Chinese community manoeuvred vis-Ã -vis the colonial administration and other Hong Kong-based groups by using their own strategically constructed nationalism

The Study of Piscatorial Negotiations Between Taiwan And Japan

台日漁業糾紛由來已久，不僅影響漁民生計至鉅，亦是政府對外主權宣示的指標性意義。國內各界對此漁權談判殷望甚切，尤其是漁場是漁民的命脈，絕對不容失去的國土，而日方並無共享漁場的意願。 筆者在此，深入了解並作分析台日兩國從觀點到處理態度，解決問題的策略，由談判理論角度去看整個台日漁權談判之發展始末。 研究結果發現，這些談判本質及政府立場堅決程度，採用的策略是決定整個談判成敗的關鍵。除此之外亦希望本文提供對台日漁權談判的諸多了解。The Taiwan and Japan Piscatorial Power dispute is long-standing. It not only greatly affects the fishermen's livelihood , also the represents significance declared by the government foreign sovereignty. The domestic party has great hope in this Piscatorial Power Negotiations, in particular the Piscatorial is fisherman''s life, does not allow to lose the territory, but the Japanese side does not wish to share the fishery. The author analyzes both countries from the viewpoint to the processing attitude deeply, solves the question strategy, looks at development of Taiwan and Japan Piscatorial power negotiations from beginning to end by the negotiations theory. The research result discovered that these negotiations essence and the government's firm position, the strategy is affected the negotiations success or failure. In addition, also hoped that this article provides many understandings to Taiwan and Japan Piscatorial power negotiations.第一章 緒論 第一節 研究動機………………………………………………………1 第二節 研究目的………………………………………………………3 第三節 研究問題………………………………………………………5 第四節 研究方法………………………………………………………6 第五節 研究架構………………………………………………………8 第六節 章節安排 ……………………………………………………11 第二章 文獻回顧 第一節 談判之研究途徑 ……………………………………………13 第二節 國際海洋法 …………………………………………………22 第三節 日本佔領釣魚台策略及法理依據分析 ……………………28 第三章 台、日兩國漁權爭議之發展 第一節 台日兩國政府之間釣魚台爭端沿革 ………………………34 第二節 台日兩國政府、民間立場及影響力 ………………………41 第三節 歷次台日兩國漁權談判過程 ………………………………46 第四章 二階賽局理論之談判分析 第一節 台日漁權談判之理論適用性 ………………………………62 第二節 前十五次雙方政府談判模式 ………………………………63 第三節 台日雙方談判的結構分析 …………………………………66 第伍章 結論與建議. 第一節 研究發現 ……………………………………………………75 第二節 政策建議與省 ………………………………………………77 參考書目 ………………………………………………………………84 圖 表 目 次 圖 1-1 中華民國第一批領海基線、領海及鄰接區外界圖…………4 圖 1-2 二階談判分析之圖形…………………………………………9 圖 3-1 台、日雙方對釣魚台群島名稱對照圖………………………38 圖3-2 台、日雙方不同認定之中線位置圖 …………………………52 圖 3-3 台日漁業談判爭執區域圖 ………………………………… 54 圖 4-1台日兩國漁權二階談判模式 …………………………………63 圖 4-2台日兩國漁權二階談判結構特性 ……………………………66 表 3-1 歷次台日漁業會談時間地點一覽 …………………………47 表 3-2 台日漁權前十四次談判內容整 ……………………………49 表 3-3 台日漁權第十五次談判內容整 …………………………57 表 3-4 台日雙方歷屆爭執焦點 ……………………………………59 表 3-5 釣魚台問題三地政府、民間立場態度 ……………………60 表 4-1 台日漁權談判面向歸屬表 …………………………………6

The historical development of the fishery right of the Republic of China, 1912-1982

本文以中華民國作為研究主體，探討在1982年現代國際海洋法確立之前，「漁業權」此一概念在不同時空背景下的發展過程。本研究首先上溯自清末，探討漁權概念傳入中國的過程以及後來在北京政府(1912-1928)及南京國民政府(1928-1937)的發展，雖然期間政權更迭頻繁，但漁權意識與政策並未隨著政權的更迭而有所轉變，而是彷彿接力賽般，由清末一路承襲自南京國民政府。1937年中日戰爭的爆發，中國沿海省份漸遭日軍佔領，中華民國的漁權發展方暫告一段落。 戰後國際秩序進入重整階段，雖然各國試圖透過國際海洋法會議，制定一具有公信力的國際海洋法，藉此解決諸多國際爭端；然而，在美、蘇冷戰的狀態下，各國對於國際海洋法中的「領海範圍」與「捕魚界限」均難以達成共識。如此也意味著，國際間不論是專屬漁業權或是入漁權雙邊交涉的效力，均遠大於國際法規定，且隨著不同的政治、地理以及國際關係等因素下亦有所差異，因此，本研究針對「專屬漁業權」與「入漁權」進行個案研究，探討中華民國在其中的發展歷程，並藉此比較其中的異同

台日東海漁權爭議中日本國家實踐之研究

本研究之目的係從國際法與實務觀點探討台日東海漁權爭議中，日本立法權與行政權所構成之國家實踐，惟暫不討論司法權之態度，亦非討論釣魚台主權歸屬問題。本研究共有以下四項具體結果： 一、 整理東海漁權爭議過程，並提出歷史性捕魚權證據。 台日東海漁權爭議中，所謂「傳統漁場」之爭議、「歷史性捕漁權」主張，實為日據時期及光復後等歷史背景下的產物。本文提出歷史性證據，建議政府單位應基於一九八二年《聯合國海洋法公約》第六十二條相關規範持續與日本政府談判。 二、彙整台日漁業會談歷程釐清爭議重點。 近期會談重點係在「北緯27度以南水域管理」、「北緯27度以北水域管理」及「漁船緊急避難」等議題，惟因涉及釣魚台主權、專屬經濟海域劃界及雙方立場差異等因素，台日漁業會談似仍有發展空間。 三、釐清日本立法權漁業取締之國家實踐。 （一）日本國會制訂《漁業法》與《外國人漁業限制法》規範日本領海內的漁業取締；而《排他性經濟水域及大陸礁層法》與《漁業主權法》則為專屬經濟海域內之漁業取締依據。 （二）日本立法權於專屬經濟水域內實施外國人漁業活動取締規制之設計、實踐與一九八二年《聯合國海洋法公約》第六十一條至第六十二條及第七十三條關於沿海國於漁業取締上之相關規範並無二致。 四、探討日本行政權之國家實踐。 （一）釐清海上保安廳與水產廳漁業取締作為之異同，修正媒體錯誤報導，並發現行政權已朝合作取締方向發展之趨勢。 （二）相對於日本行政權依據中間線原則實施漁業取締，我國行政權係依據暫定執法線為漁業取締範圍。惟經整理相關案例可發現，該線似為我國單方作為，與日本漁業取締作為之範圍似無直接關連

Exclusive Fishing Right Management by Chang-hua Fishery Association ─A Case Study of Oyster Aquaculture

彰化縣潮間帶為漁民世代賴以維生的地方，蚵民在海灘上從事淺海牡蠣養殖，然而長久以來漁民沒有入漁權，無法獲得權益之保障，又近年海域經濟開發衍生漁業權補償問題，漁民爭取鉅額補償，引發外界不良觀感。本研究進行專用漁業權經營管理之實務運作及針對牡蠣養殖成本收益進行問卷分析，一來可供作為其他專用漁業權人之管理參考，二來可以化解外界對專用漁業權人只坐享「專用漁業權」權力，未盡專用漁業權人管理責任之誤覺，為本研究動機。 本研究從漁民從來使用淺海養殖地之權益切入探討，並論述彰化區漁會在政府核准專用漁業權執照範圍內進行海岸空間的經營管理內容、詳述辦理漁民入漁的步驟與過程，其成功經驗，可以供為後續專用漁業權人管理參考援用。並進一步分析彰化淺海牡蠣養殖經營成本，期望研究結論有助於作為漁業支持與農業天然災害補救政策之參考，並關注淺海牡蠣養殖漁民應有之權益保障為目的。本研究結論為： 一、基於憲法第15條保障人民之財產權之立意，我國專用漁業權制度為保障漁民在一定水域入漁權，確保其生計。對於漁民使用淺海養殖地的權益，遭受到行政機關適法徵收後，達到漁業權損害補償之要件，應予以合理之補償。漁業權補償制度能在海域經濟開發與漁民權益保障之間取得適宜的平衡。 二、沿岸海域屬於國家財產，也是漁民謀生的場所。彰化區漁會取得專用漁業權執照，在沿岸海域經營管理上，尊重從來使用者立場，辦理入漁權申請，建立漁民責任漁業觀念，同時可以獲得農業天然災害之保障，兼具維護漁業資源與保障漁民權益之目的。 三、本研究僅對彰化縣牡蠣養殖個別漁民經營情形進行成本效益分析，以作為漁業支持與災害補救政策之參考。據研究統計分析問卷結果，牡蠣養殖每戶平均成本542,380元，平均總收入789,000元，淨收益為246,620元。Intertidal areas of coastal Chunghua County have been livelihood dependent for fishermen for generations. Oyster fishermen do aquaculture in the shallows. Recent coastal development derives compensation issues for fishermen due much to that there had been no rights for existing fishermen on the common of piscary in the long run. This study applies operational management framework to analyze practical works done by Changhua Area Fishermen Association. The cost structure and revenue structure are also analyzed for the reference of operational performance alongside the recent release of exclusive fishing right for Oyster fishermen. Some suggestions are used for future operational reference to make such fishing right sound in different dimensions. The operational management on the space of coastal oyster aquaculture under the release of exclusive fishing right for Changhua Area Fishermen Association is explained in details by taking the fishermen rights and successful procedure into account. Cost structure survey will provide reference for possible future compensation to fishermen if their oyster farms are damaged by natural disaster. The conclusions are: 1.Based on the article 15 of Constitution, the exclusive fishing right is to assure livelihood for fishermen. Thus, certain damage level from natural disaster must be compensated due to land collection done by the government. The compensation to exclusive fishing right can be balanced in association to economic development in coastal areas. 2.Changhua Area Fishermen Association is authorized to have the licensing right for the operation of coastal area management. The implementation of piscary application for fishermen and conceptual construction on responsible fishery may support the compensation from natural disaster and maintenance of fishery resources as well as shallow fishermen rights and interests. 3.The average oyster production cost and revenue in Changhua area is calculated to be 542,380 NTDs and 786,000 NTDs per household, respectively. As a result, net revenue is 246,620 NTDs per household. This could become the reference of possible future compensation of fishing right associated with certain-level damage of natural disaster.目次 第一章 緒論 1 第一節 研究動機 1 第二節 研究目的 2 第三節 研究方法與步驟 2 第四節 研究架構 5 第五節 預期結果 5 第二章 專用漁業權之權益 6 第一節 專用漁業權的意義 6 第二節 專用漁業權的法律性質 7 第三節 專用漁業權人的權利義務 8 第四節 我國專用漁業權實施概況 11 第五節 專用漁業權之權益 14 第六節 彰化縣淺海牡蠣養殖入漁權人之權益 19 第三章 專用漁業權之經營管理 22 第一節 專用漁業權經營與管理 22 第二節 專用漁業權入漁權經營管理 28 第三節 專用漁業權漁業之申請與核發 29 第四節 彰化區漁會專用漁業權管理實務 31 第四章 彰化縣淺海牡蠣養殖成本收益分析 41 第一節 台灣牡蠣養殖產業 41 第二節 彰化縣牡蠣養殖概況 44 第三節 彰化縣淺海牡蠣養殖成本與收益分析 49 第五章 結論與建議 58 第一節 結論 58 第二節 建議 59 第三節 後續之研究 62 參考文獻 63 附錄一、農業天然災害救助辦法 65 附錄二、彰化區漁會入漁規章 73 附錄三、彰化區漁會受理專用漁業權入漁權申請事項公告 76 附錄四、彰化地區淺海牡蠣養殖101年成本及收益問卷調查表 78 圖目次 圖 1-1研究流程圖 4 圖 3-1彰化縣沿海各鄉鎮申請彰化區漁會專用漁業權入漁面積圖 38 圖 3-2彰化縣福興鄉入漁面積圖 38 圖 4-1彰化沿海各地區入漁權件數比率圖 48 圖 4-2彰化沿海各地區核發入漁權面積數比率圖 48 圖 4-3彰化縣牡蠣養殖入漁規模(面積)比率圖 50 圖 4-4彰化縣核發入漁件數比率圖 50 圖 4-5彰化縣牡蠣養殖漁民學歷比率圖 54 表目次 表 3-1 2013年台灣各區漁會經核准專用漁業權內容表 32 表 3-2彰化區漁會辦理專用漁業權入漁權申請時程表 39 表 4-1彰化縣2008年漁業戶數從業人員數與人口數表 45 表 4-2 1999-2008年台灣地區養殖與彰化縣牡蠣養殖產量產值表 47 表 4-3彰化區漁會核發專用漁業權淺海牡蠣養殖件數與面積比率 48 表 4-4彰化區漁會淺海牡蠣養殖規模、入漁件數比率表 49 表 4-5養殖漁家主要經營者問卷抽樣比率 52 表 4-6彰化各地區淺海牡蠣養殖問卷件數比率 52 表 4-7養殖漁家主要經營者年齡及戶數 53 表 4-8養殖類別規模別固定工作人數 54 表 4-9養殖類別規模別採獲期工作人數 54 表 4-10彰化地區牡蠣養殖蚵線規格及成本 55 表 4-11單養漁家養殖類別放養密度 55 表 4-12 2011年彰化地區牡蠣成本、收益 5

我國現行經濟管制立法之研究

第一章緒論，說明經濟管制立法之意義及性質，以及我國現行主要經濟管制立法。第二章為工業所有權之管制立法，就我國現行專利法商標法予以檢討。第三章討論礦業權之管制，第四章討論漁業權及入漁權。第五章討論我國現行投資活動之管制立法。第六章討論我國非常時期的經濟管制立法，以國家總動員法及其他非常時期之經濟管制法規為討論重心，探討其法律性質及其內容。第七章為結論，就我國現行經濟管制立法之施行情形予以總的檢討，並提出個人相法