The Social Structure of the Byzantine Countryside in the First Half of the Xth Century

  Ν. ΟικονομίδηςH κοινωνική δομή της Βυζαντινής επαρχίας κατά το πρώτο ήμισυ του Ι΄αιώνα Από το De Administrando Imperio (κεφ. 51, στ. 199-204 και κεφ. 52) γνωρίζουμε ότι κατά την δεύτερη εικοσαετία του 10ου αιώνα οι Πελοποννήσιοι εξαγόρασαν την συμμετοχή τους σε μια εκστρατεία στην Ιταλία δίνοντας στο κράτος 7200 χρυσά νομίσματα (5 νομ. κάθε εύπορος στρατιώτης και 2,5 κάθε άπορος). Οι εκκλησιαστικοί και κοσμικοί «δυνατοί» (μητροπολίτες, επίσκοποι, μονές, πρωτοσπαθάριοι, σπαθαροκανδιδάτοι, σπαθάριοι, στράτωρες) έδωσαν χίλια άλογα. Το χωρίο αυτό μπορεί να συγκριθεί με το Περί Βασιλείου Τάξεως (Βόννη, 666-667) όπου αναφέρεται ότι οκτακόσιοι στρατιώτες του θέματος των Θρακησίων εξαγόρασαν το 949 τη συμμετοχή τους στην εκστρατεία της Κρήτης καταβάλλοντας 2984 νομίσματα (4 νομ. οι εύποροι, 2 νομ. οι άποροι).Στο Θρακήσιον οι άποροι στρατιώτες αποτελούσαν 13,5% της συνολικής δύναμης του θέματος. Συνεπώς, αν το ποσοστό των απόρων ήταν ανάλογο και στην Πελοπόννησο, τότε ο συνολικός στρατός του θέματος θα αριθμούσε περί τους 1500-1600 άνδρες. Αν λάβουμε υπόψη ότι κάθε εύπορος στρατιώτης έπρεπε να έχει ακίνητη περιουσία αξίας 288 περίπου χρυσών νομισμάτων και ότι για να αποδώσει αυτή η ποσότητα γης χρειαζόταν περίπου δύο οικογένειες καλλιεργητών με δικά τους ζευγάρια, τότε είναι δυνατό να συμπεράνουμε ότι ο στρατός της Πελοποννήσου υποστηριζόταν τότε από 2880 οικογένειες ζευγαράτων χωρικών.Οι Πελοποννήσιοι αριστοκράτες συνεισέφεραν 1000 άλογα. Τριάντα προέρχονταν από τους δύο μητροπολίτες και τους ένδεκα επισκόπους. Υποθέτουμε ότι θα υπήρχαν και 10-20 πρωτοσπαθάριοι, 20-40 σπαθαρο-κανδιδάτοι και 80-160 σπαθάριοι και στράτωρες, οι οποίοι θα προσέφεραν συνολικά 150-300 άλογα. Τα υπόλοιπα 380 περίπου προέρχονταν, πιθανότατα, από τα μοναστήρια. Μολονότι οι υπολογισμοί αυτοί είναι αυθαίρετοι, είναι βέβαιο ότι θα υπήρχαν περίπου 600 εκκλησιαστικοί και κοσμικοί αριστοκράτες στην Πελοπόννησο• ότι η περιουσία τους ήταν πολλαπλασίως μεγαλύτερη από την περιουσία όλων των στρατιωτών και ότι θα απασχολούσαν περισσότερους από 15.000 πάροικους ζευγαράτους, πιθανώς πολύ περισσότερους.Είναι προφανές ότι κατά τα μέσα του 10ου αιώνα οι στρατιώτες του θέματος Πελοποννήσου ήσαν λιγότεροι από τους μοναχούς, που κατοικούσαν σ'αυτό, και ότι οι πάροικοι που εργάζονταν για λογαριασμό των «δυνατών» του θέματος ήσαν πολλαπλασίως περισσότεροι από τους ελεύθερους χωρικούς που υπηρετούσαν στο στράτευμα.Ανάλογη εικόνα πρέπει να παρουσίαζε τότε και το Θρακήσιον, όπου ο αριθμός των γεωργών-στρατιωτών είχε μειωθεί ακόμη περισσότερο: στο θέμα αυτό, πολυανθρωπότερο και πλουσιότερο από την Πελοπόννησο, η εξέλιξη της κοινωνίας είχε επιτελεσθεί ταχύτερα προς όφελος της αριστοκρατίας και εις βάρος των μικρών ελεύθερων καλλιεργητών. Η δομή της κοινωνίας της υπαίθρου είχε αλλάξει ουσιαστικά πριν ακόμη αρχίσει η νομοθεσία   των   Μακεδόνων   αυτοκρατόρων,   που   επεδίωκαν   να προστατεύσουν τη μικρή ελεύθερη ιδιοκτησία.  Ν. ΟικονομίδηςH κοινωνική δομή της Βυζαντινής επαρχίας κατά το πρώτο ήμισυ του Ι΄αιώνα Από το De Administrando Imperio (κεφ. 51, στ. 199-204 και κεφ. 52) γνωρίζουμε ότι κατά την δεύτερη εικοσαετία του 10ου αιώνα οι Πελοποννήσιοι εξαγόρασαν την συμμετοχή τους σε μια εκστρατεία στην Ιταλία δίνοντας στο κράτος 7200 χρυσά νομίσματα (5 νομ. κάθε εύπορος στρατιώτης και 2,5 κάθε άπορος). Οι εκκλησιαστικοί και κοσμικοί «δυνατοί» (μητροπολίτες, επίσκοποι, μονές, πρωτοσπαθάριοι, σπαθαροκανδιδάτοι, σπαθάριοι, στράτωρες) έδωσαν χίλια άλογα. Το χωρίο αυτό μπορεί να συγκριθεί με το Περί Βασιλείου Τάξεως (Βόννη, 666-667) όπου αναφέρεται ότι οκτακόσιοι στρατιώτες του θέματος των Θρακησίων εξαγόρασαν το 949 τη συμμετοχή τους στην εκστρατεία της Κρήτης καταβάλλοντας 2984 νομίσματα (4 νομ. οι εύποροι, 2 νομ. οι άποροι).Στο Θρακήσιον οι άποροι στρατιώτες αποτελούσαν 13,5% της συνολικής δύναμης του θέματος. Συνεπώς, αν το ποσοστό των απόρων ήταν ανάλογο και στην Πελοπόννησο, τότε ο συνολικός στρατός του θέματος θα αριθμούσε περί τους 1500-1600 άνδρες. Αν λάβουμε υπόψη ότι κάθε εύπορος στρατιώτης έπρεπε να έχει ακίνητη περιουσία αξίας 288 περίπου χρυσών νομισμάτων και ότι για να αποδώσει αυτή η ποσότητα γης χρειαζόταν περίπου δύο οικογένειες καλλιεργητών με δικά τους ζευγάρια, τότε είναι δυνατό να συμπεράνουμε ότι ο στρατός της Πελοποννήσου υποστηριζόταν τότε από 2880 οικογένειες ζευγαράτων χωρικών.Οι Πελοποννήσιοι αριστοκράτες συνεισέφεραν 1000 άλογα. Τριάντα προέρχονταν από τους δύο μητροπολίτες και τους ένδεκα επισκόπους. Υποθέτο&up

The Social Structure of the Byzantine Countryside in the First Half of the Xth Century

  Ν. ΟικονομίδηςH κοινωνική δομή της Βυζαντινής επαρχίας κατά το πρώτο ήμισυ του Ι΄αιώνα Από το De Administrando Imperio (κεφ. 51, στ. 199-204 και κεφ. 52) γνωρίζουμε ότι κατά την δεύτερη εικοσαετία του 10ου αιώνα οι Πελοποννήσιοι εξαγόρασαν την συμμετοχή τους σε μια εκστρατεία στην Ιταλία δίνοντας στο κράτος 7200 χρυσά νομίσματα (5 νομ. κάθε εύπορος στρατιώτης και 2,5 κάθε άπορος). Οι εκκλησιαστικοί και κοσμικοί «δυνατοί» (μητροπολίτες, επίσκοποι, μονές, πρωτοσπαθάριοι, σπαθαροκανδιδάτοι, σπαθάριοι, στράτωρες) έδωσαν χίλια άλογα. Το χωρίο αυτό μπορεί να συγκριθεί με το Περί Βασιλείου Τάξεως (Βόννη, 666-667) όπου αναφέρεται ότι οκτακόσιοι στρατιώτες του θέματος των Θρακησίων εξαγόρασαν το 949 τη συμμετοχή τους στην εκστρατεία της Κρήτης καταβάλλοντας 2984 νομίσματα (4 νομ. οι εύποροι, 2 νομ. οι άποροι).Στο Θρακήσιον οι άποροι στρατιώτες αποτελούσαν 13,5% της συνολικής δύναμης του θέματος. Συνεπώς, αν το ποσοστό των απόρων ήταν ανάλογο και στην Πελοπόννησο, τότε ο συνολικός στρατός του θέματος θα αριθμούσε περί τους 1500-1600 άνδρες. Αν λάβουμε υπόψη ότι κάθε εύπορος στρατιώτης έπρεπε να έχει ακίνητη περιουσία αξίας 288 περίπου χρυσών νομισμάτων και ότι για να αποδώσει αυτή η ποσότητα γης χρειαζόταν περίπου δύο οικογένειες καλλιεργητών με δικά τους ζευγάρια, τότε είναι δυνατό να συμπεράνουμε ότι ο στρατός της Πελοποννήσου υποστηριζόταν τότε από 2880 οικογένειες ζευγαράτων χωρικών.Οι Πελοποννήσιοι αριστοκράτες συνεισέφεραν 1000 άλογα. Τριάντα προέρχονταν από τους δύο μητροπολίτες και τους ένδεκα επισκόπους. Υποθέτουμε ότι θα υπήρχαν και 10-20 πρωτοσπαθάριοι, 20-40 σπαθαρο-κανδιδάτοι και 80-160 σπαθάριοι και στράτωρες, οι οποίοι θα προσέφεραν συνολικά 150-300 άλογα. Τα υπόλοιπα 380 περίπου προέρχονταν, πιθανότατα, από τα μοναστήρια. Μολονότι οι υπολογισμοί αυτοί είναι αυθαίρετοι, είναι βέβαιο ότι θα υπήρχαν περίπου 600 εκκλησιαστικοί και κοσμικοί αριστοκράτες στην Πελοπόννησο• ότι η περιουσία τους ήταν πολλαπλασίως μεγαλύτερη από την περιουσία όλων των στρατιωτών και ότι θα απασχολούσαν περισσότερους από 15.000 πάροικους ζευγαράτους, πιθανώς πολύ περισσότερους.Είναι προφανές ότι κατά τα μέσα του 10ου αιώνα οι στρατιώτες του θέματος Πελοποννήσου ήσαν λιγότεροι από τους μοναχούς, που κατοικούσαν σ'αυτό, και ότι οι πάροικοι που εργάζονταν για λογαριασμό των «δυνατών» του θέματος ήσαν πολλαπλασίως περισσότεροι από τους ελεύθερους χωρικούς που υπηρετούσαν στο στράτευμα.Ανάλογη εικόνα πρέπει να παρουσίαζε τότε και το Θρακήσιον, όπου ο αριθμός των γεωργών-στρατιωτών είχε μειωθεί ακόμη περισσότερο: στο θέμα αυτό, πολυανθρωπότερο και πλουσιότερο από την Πελοπόννησο, η εξέλιξη της κοινωνίας είχε επιτελεσθεί ταχύτερα προς όφελος της αριστοκρατίας και εις βάρος των μικρών ελεύθερων καλλιεργητών. Η δομή της κοινωνίας της υπαίθρου είχε αλλάξει ουσιαστικά πριν ακόμη αρχίσει η νομοθεσία   των   Μακεδόνων   αυτοκρατόρων,   που   επεδίωκαν   να προστατεύσουν τη μικρή ελεύθερη ιδιοκτησία.  Ν. ΟικονομίδηςH κοινωνική δομή της Βυζαντινής επαρχίας κατά το πρώτο ήμισυ του Ι΄αιώνα Από το De Administrando Imperio (κεφ. 51, στ. 199-204 και κεφ. 52) γνωρίζουμε ότι κατά την δεύτερη εικοσαετία του 10ου αιώνα οι Πελοποννήσιοι εξαγόρασαν την συμμετοχή τους σε μια εκστρατεία στην Ιταλία δίνοντας στο κράτος 7200 χρυσά νομίσματα (5 νομ. κάθε εύπορος στρατιώτης και 2,5 κάθε άπορος). Οι εκκλησιαστικοί και κοσμικοί «δυνατοί» (μητροπολίτες, επίσκοποι, μονές, πρωτοσπαθάριοι, σπαθαροκανδιδάτοι, σπαθάριοι, στράτωρες) έδωσαν χίλια άλογα. Το χωρίο αυτό μπορεί να συγκριθεί με το Περί Βασιλείου Τάξεως (Βόννη, 666-667) όπου αναφέρεται ότι οκτακόσιοι στρατιώτες του θέματος των Θρακησίων εξαγόρασαν το 949 τη συμμετοχή τους στην εκστρατεία της Κρήτης καταβάλλοντας 2984 νομίσματα (4 νομ. οι εύποροι, 2 νομ. οι άποροι).Στο Θρακήσιον οι άποροι στρατιώτες αποτελούσαν 13,5% της συνολικής δύναμης του θέματος. Συνεπώς, αν το ποσοστό των απόρων ήταν ανάλογο και στην Πελοπόννησο, τότε ο συνολικός στρατός του θέματος θα αριθμούσε περί τους 1500-1600 άνδρες. Αν λάβουμε υπόψη ότι κάθε εύπορος στρατιώτης έπρεπε να έχει ακίνητη περιουσία αξίας 288 περίπου χρυσών νομισμάτων και ότι για να αποδώσει αυτή η ποσότητα γης χρειαζόταν περίπου δύο οικογένειες καλλιεργητών με δικά τους ζευγάρια, τότε είναι δυνατό να συμπεράνουμε ότι ο στρατός της Πελοποννήσου υποστηριζόταν τότε από 2880 οικογένειες ζευγαράτων χωρικών.Οι Πελοποννήσιοι αριστοκράτες συνεισέφεραν 1000 άλογα. Τριάντα προέρχονταν από τους δύο μητροπολίτες και τους ένδεκα επισκόπους. Υποθέτουμε ότι θα υπήρχαν και 10-20 πρωτοσπαθάριοι, 20-40 σπαθαρο-κανδιδάτοι και 80-160 σπαθάριοι και στράτωρες, οι οποίοι θα προσέφεραν συνολικά 150-300 άλογα. Τα υπόλοιπα 380 περίπου προέρχονταν, πιθανότατα, από τα μοναστήρια. Μολονότι οι υπολογισμοί αυτοί είναι αυθαίρετοι, είναι βέβαιο ότι θα υπήρχαν περίπου 600 εκκλησιαστικοί και κοσμικοί αριστοκράτες στην Πελοπόννησο• ότι η περιουσία τους ήταν πολλαπλασίως μεγαλύτερη από την περιουσία όλων των στρατιωτών και ότι θα απασχολούσαν περισσότερους από 15.000 πάροικους ζευγαράτους, πιθανώς πολύ περισσότερους.Είναι προφανές ότι κατά τα μέσα του 10ου αιώνα οι στρατιώτες του θέματος Πελοποννήσου ήσαν λιγότεροι από τους μοναχούς, που κατοικούσαν σ'αυτό, και ότι οι πάροικοι που εργάζονταν για λογαριασμό των «δυνατών» του θέματος ήσαν πολλαπλασίως περισσότεροι από τους ελεύθερους χωρικούς που υπηρετούσαν στο στράτευμα.Ανάλογη εικόνα πρέπει να παρουσίαζε τότε και το Θρακήσιον, όπου ο αριθμός των γεωργών-στρατιωτών είχε μειωθεί ακόμη περισσότερο: στο θέμα αυτό, πολυανθρωπότερο και πλουσιότερο από την Πελοπόννησο, η εξέλιξη της κοινωνίας είχε επιτελεσθεί ταχύτερα προς όφελος της αριστοκρατίας και εις βάρος των μικρών ελεύθερων καλλιεργητών. Η δομή της κοινωνίας της υπαίθρου είχε αλλάξει ουσιαστικά πριν ακόμη αρχίσει η νομοθεσία   των   Μακεδόνων   αυτοκρατόρων,   που   επεδίωκαν   να προστατεύσουν τη μικρή ελεύθερη ιδιοκτησία

Meteora: lab of calligraphy and research over the codes of Meteora: construction analysis of the primary eremite structures

Σημείωση: η ηλεκτρονική έκδοση για λόγους διαχείρισης μεγέθους έχει διασπαστεί σε πάνω από ένα τόμους/αρχεία. Παρακαλούμε, κατεβάστε πρώτα όλα τα αρχεία, διατηρώντας τα στην ίδια τοποθεσία, και αποσυμπιέστε μόνο το αρχείο με την κατάληξη .zi

Ψυχολογικό φορτίο και μηχανισμοί άμυνας των νοσηλευτών που εργάζονται σε νεογνικές ΜΕΝ και ΜΑΦ σε τριτοβάθμια παιδιατρικά νοσοκομεία

Ιστορικό: Οι Μονάδες Εντατικής Νοσηλείας Νεογνών (ΜΕΝΝ) και οι Μονάδες Αυξημένης Φροντίδας (ΜΑΦ) είναι εργασιακά περιβάλλοντα με αυξημένο φόρτο εργασίας για νοσηλευτές, που διαδραματίζουν θεμελιώδη ρόλο στη θεραπευτική ομάδα. Οι νοσηλευτές των ΜΕΝΝ έχουν βαρύτερο φόρτο εργασίας και περισσότερες υποχρεώσεις από τους νοσηλευτές που εργάζονται σε ανοιχτά τμήματα. Συχνά καλούνται να πάρουν γρήγορες αποφάσεις ή να αντιμετωπίσουν ασθενείς που χρειάζονται πρώτες βοήθειες ή άλλη επείγουσα αντίδραση. Μέθοδος και υλικό: Ο σκοπός της παρούσας – ποιοτικής έρευνας είναι να αξιολογήσει την ψυχολογική επιβάρυνση την οποία υφίστανται οι νοσηλευτές που εργάζονται δίπλα σε νεογνά, στις ΜΕΝΝ και ΜΑΦ στα δύο παιδιατρικά νοσοκομεία ΑΓΙΑ ΣΟΦΙΑ και ΠΑΝΑΓΙΩΤΗ & ΑΓΛΑΪΑ ΚΥΡΙΑΚΟΥ καθώς και τους μηχανισμούς άμυνας που αναπτύσσουν προκειμένου να διάγουν μια ήρεμη και φυσιολογική ζωή. Διανεμήθηκε ειδικό ερωτηματολόγιο σε 107 νοσηλευτές των 2 νοσοκομείων, συλλέχθηκαν 102 και τα δεδομένα αναλύθηκαν με ποσοτική μέθοδο. Αποτελέσματα: Όσο αφορά στον παράγοντα σωματική κόπωση το δείγμα εμφανίζει αυξημένη τάση 90,2%, και άγχος το 86,3%. Ειδικότερα η συναισθηματική φόρτιση των νοσηλευτών παρουσιάζει υψηλές τιμές 64%, εξαιτίας της ιδιαιτερότητας των τμημάτων και της ηλικίας των ασθενών ενώ η σωματική καταβολή 90,2%, είναι απόρροια των πολυετών βαρδιών της δυσχέρειας της οριζόντιας και κάθετης επικοινωνίας και της μεγάλης έλλειψης προσωπικού. Η ικανοποίηση που φαίνεται να λαμβάνουν οι νοσηλευτές από την δουλειά τους φαίνεται να είναι υψηλή 94,2%. Τελικά οι νοσηλευτές που αναπτύσσουν έναν ή περισσότερους μηχανισμούς άμυνας, παρουσιάζουν λιγότερες αρνητικές αντιδράσεις. Συμπεράσματα: Η ψυχολογική και σωματική επιβάρυνση των νοσηλευτών που εργάζονται στις νεογνικές ΜΕΝ και ΜΑΦ είναι αδιαμφισβήτητη. Το σύνδρομο της επαγγελματικής εξουθένωσης (burnout) σε συνδυασμό με την έλλειψη ύπνου, τα αυξημένα επαγγελματικά και οικογενειακά καθήκοντα, τα εξαντλητικά ωράρια καθώς και ο αθέμιτος ανταγωνισμός, δημιουργεί ένα επισφαλές εργασιακό περιβάλλον και μειώνει την απόδοση των νοσηλευτών ορίζοντας έτσι έναν αέναο φαύλο κύκλο στον οποίο το στρες παίζει κυρίαρχο ρόλο. Για να αντιρροπήσουν την κατάσταση αυτή, αναπτύσσουν ο καθένας διαφορετικούς μηχανισμούς άμυνας.BACKGROUND: Intensive Care Units are increased workload environments for nurses, who play a fundamental role within the health care team. IC Nurses have more obligations than nurses working in other wards; they are often faced with situations in which they have to make quick decisions in the event of patients requiring First Aid or emergency response. AIM/METHODS: The purpose of this research is to evaluate the burnout's degree of the Neonatal Nurses of the two pediatric hospitals of Athens, AGIA SOPHIA and PANAGIOTIS & AGLAIA KYRIAKOU, who they share with the premature babies and the neonates their battle for life and their march/path towards death. Moreover, we evaluate the defense mechanisms that they develop in order to have a peaceful and normal life. A questionnaire was distributed to 107 neonatal nurses. The data got analyzed by the use of the quantitative method. Results: The professional fatigue rate is 90,2% and the stress rate is 86,3%. Furthermore the neonatal nurses' physical tiredness 90,2%, comes from the multiannual shifts, the difficulty of the communication among levels and the serious lack of stuff. The nurses who often meet family and friends had less negative reactions due to their job. The neonatal nurses' emotional load is particularly high 64%, because of the department's diversity and the age of the patients. The personal accomplishment factor of the neonatal nurses is moderate to high 94,2%. Finally, the nurses who use more the defense mechanisms, had less negative reactions due to their job. CONCLUSION: The psychological and physical burden of the neonatal nurses are indisputable. The burnout syndrome combined with the lack of sleep, the increased professional and family responsibilities, the exhausting shifts and the competition creates a precarious work environment that reduces the nurse’s performance. They are overmastered by stress. In order to counterbalance this situation they develop one or more Defense Mechanisms

Μία περίπτωση ἐφαρμογῆς τοῦ βυζαντινοῦ θεσμοῦ τοῦ ἀσύλου στήν Πελοπόννησο: Ἡ προσφυγή τῶν Σλάβων στό ναό τοῦ Ἁγίου Ανδρέα Πατρῶν

  Ilias Anagnostakis and Anna LambropoulouAn instance of the implementation of the Byzantine institution of asylum in the Peloponnese: the Slavs seek sanctuary in the Church of St Andrew of PatraiThe events which took place in the Peloponnese in the early ninth century (c. 800) are recorded in later sources, mostly of the tenth century. Following the establishment of the theme system of territorial administration and the securing of ecclesiastical order in the region, the emperor Nikephoros I, in implementing his new fiscal and economic policy, took steps to increase the number of inhabitants by systematically encouraging the settlement of new population groups from outside the area. It was within this general context and during this same period that the rebellion of the Slavs in Achaia, as described by Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, needs to be viewed. Clearly, also, the phenomenon needs to be seen within the context of the specific social climate of the region where radical change was taking place and significant breaks with the past were occurring. During the repression of the rebellion the Slavs sought sanctuary in the church of the Apostle Andrew. As a result of this move, however, the rebels were given special treatment as they were viewed as having repented their actions. This was an occurrence whose more general implications are worthy of further study. Looked at from the broader ecclesiastical and political perspective, there are certain characteristic features to be noted in the attitudes towards asylum and the priority ascribed to ecclesiastical over civil law in Constantinople at the end of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth centuries. At the beginning of the ninth century, during the reign of Nikephoros I and while Tarasios was on the patriarchal throne (784-806), the flight of the defeated Slavs to the Church of St Andrew and the relative leniency that was shown them by the state suggest that here we are dealing with an instance of the workings of the institution of sanctuary in Byzantium. While the sources bring in a host of hagiographie and miraculous elements -the standard baggage of accounts of Christianisation and repentance-he flight of the Slavs to the church of the patron saint of the city constitutes, in our opinion, in instance of mass asylum. Moreover, it is interesting to observe that the respective terminology which was used in Porphyrogenitus' account and was in all likelihood included in the sigillion of Nikephoros I relies, in our view, directly on Byzantine legislative reforms concerning sanctuary.This is the first recorded instance of mass asylum and resort to church sanctuary in the middle Byzantine period in the Peloponnese. An effort was made both on the part of the church and the state to find a compromise solution: the former sought recognition of the institution of sanctuary while the latter was concerned to maintain the authority of its judicial and penal organs. The Slavs, who had sought sanctuary in the church, while normally liable to the punishment reserved for insurrection, were in the end granted special treatment. A compromise was found: despite the Slavs' attempt to rebel against the Byzantine authorities, the institution of asylum was fully implemented with the imposition of a number of restrictions and sanctions against the Slav population. The economic side of this treatment, which was generally a feature of the institution of ecclesiastical asylum both in Byzantium and the medieval West, has been well investigated. Indeed, monasticism and land ownership in the region of Bithynia are thought to have developed thanks to the institution of monastic asylum and the geographical boundaries of asylum, and this appears to be the case in the Peloponnese, too, where we see privileges and sigillia being granted for new monasteries and metropoleis in the ninth century. It is particularly interesting to note that the limits of 'rural asylum', i.e. the legal delimitation of the concepts of asylum and imperial donations, are lumped together with the estates of the church or monastery. The transfer of the exploitation of cultivable land to the workers of the monastery or church very often led to the development of settlements in the area. Seen in this light, the introduction of the institution of asylum and its legal delimitation in the case of the ecclesiastical estates of Achaia are directly related to the settlements of the early ninth century. It is probable that in contrast to the case of Syria and Bithynia asylum was not the catalyst behind the gradual settlement of the region of Achaia. However, and more importantly, it did offer solutions to the problems arising from the settlements. In the case of Patrai groups of unruly and discontented peasant populations developed an allegiance to the metropolis and were subsequently integrated to the point that they became entitled to protection from every epinoia adikos ('unjust design').Subsequent to the Patrai episode - as far as the evidence allows us to construe- the Empire turned its military operations to the unsubdued, mountainous and more southerly regions of the Peloponnese. By contrast, the Slavs of Achaia were granted sigillia guaranteeing protection from any unapproved measures or epinoia adikos of the metropolitan. The flight of the Slavs to the Church of St Andrew following the miraculous intervention of the Apostle Andrew and the repression of the revolt, as well as the special treatment that they then received at the hands of the Byzantine authorities on account of their seeking sanctuary in the church, can be seen to constitute a form of asylum that is entirely consistent with the political and social climate and with the concept of asylum of the age of Nikephoros I. Further investigation of the sigillia and their authenticity and reliability as sources may help to improve our understanding of the implementation and development of the institution of asylum in Byzantium during the reign of Nikephoros I.   Ilias Anagnostakis and Anna LambropoulouAn instance of the implementation of the Byzantine institution of asylum in the Peloponnese: the Slavs seek sanctuary in the Church of St Andrew of PatraiThe events which took place in the Peloponnese in the early ninth century (c. 800) are recorded in later sources, mostly of the tenth century. Following the establishment of the theme system of territorial administration and the securing of ecclesiastical order in the region, the emperor Nikephoros I, in implementing his new fiscal and economic policy, took steps to increase the number of inhabitants by systematically encouraging the settlement of new population groups from outside the area. It was within this general context and during this same period that the rebellion of the Slavs in Achaia, as described by Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, needs to be viewed. Clearly, also, the phenomenon needs to be seen within the context of the specific social climate of the region where radical change was taking place and significant breaks with the past were occurring. During the repression of the rebellion the Slavs sought sanctuary in the church of the Apostle Andrew. As a result of this move, however, the rebels were given special treatment as they were viewed as having repented their actions. This was an occurrence whose more general implications are worthy of further study. Looked at from the broader ecclesiastical and political perspective, there are certain characteristic features to be noted in the attitudes towards asylum and the priority ascribed to ecclesiastical over civil law in Constantinople at the end of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth centuries. At the beginning of the ninth century, during the reign of Nikephoros I and while Tarasios was on the patriarchal throne (784-806), the flight of the defeated Slavs to the Church of St Andrew and the relative leniency that was shown them by the state suggest that here we are dealing with an instance of the workings of the institution of sanctuary in Byzantium. While the sources bring in a host of hagiographie and miraculous elements -the standard baggage of accounts of Christianisation and repentance-he flight of the Slavs to the church of the patron saint of the city constitutes, in our opinion, in instance of mass asylum. Moreover, it is interesting to observe that the respective terminology which was used in Porphyrogenitus' account and was in all likelihood included in the sigillion of Nikephoros I relies, in our view, directly on Byzantine legislative reforms concerning sanctuary.This is the first recorded instance of mass asylum and resort to church sanctuary in the middle Byzantine period in the Peloponnese. An effort was made both on the part of the church and the state to find a compromise solution: the former sought recognition of the institution of sanctuary while the latter was concerned to maintain the authority of its judicial and penal organs. The Slavs, who had sought sanctuary in the church, while normally liable to the punishment reserved for insurrection, were in the end granted special treatment. A compromise was found: despite the Slavs' attempt to rebel against the Byzantine authorities, the institution of asylum was fully implemented with the imposition of a number of restrictions and sanctions against the Slav population. The economic side of this treatment, which was generally a feature of the institution of ecclesiastical asylum both in Byzantium and the medieval West, has been well investigated. Indeed, monasticism and land ownership in the region of Bithynia are thought to have developed thanks to the institution of monastic asylum and the geographical boundaries of asylum, and this appears to be the case in the Peloponnese, too, where we see privileges and sigillia being granted for new monasteries and metropoleis in the ninth century. It is particularly interesting to note that the limits of 'rural asylum', i.e. the legal delimitation of the concepts of asylum and imperial donations, are lumped together with the estates of the church or monastery. The transfer of the exploitation of cultivable land to the workers of the monastery or church very often led to the development of settlements in the area. Seen in this light, the introduction of the institution of asylum and its legal delimitation in the case of the ecclesiastical estates of Achaia are directly related to the settlements of the early ninth century. It is probable that in contrast to the case of Syria and Bithynia asylum was not the catalyst behind the gradual settlement of the region of Achaia. However, and more importantly, it did offer solutions to the problems arising from the settlements. In the case of Patrai groups of unruly and discontented peasant populations developed an allegiance to the metropolis and were subsequently integrated to the point that they became entitled to protection from every epinoia adikos ('unjust design').Subsequent to the Patrai episode - as far as the evidence allows us to construe- the Empire turned its military operations to the unsubdued, mountainous and more southerly regions of the Peloponnese. By contrast, the Slavs of Achaia were granted sigillia guaranteeing protection from any unapproved measures or epinoia adikos of the metropolitan. The flight of the Slavs to the Church of St Andrew following the miraculous intervention of the Apostle Andrew and the repression of the revolt, as well as the special treatment that they then received at the hands of the Byzantine authorities on account of their seeking sanctuary in the church, can be seen to constitute a form of asylum that is entirely consistent with the political and social climate and with the concept of asylum of the age of Nikephoros I. Further investigation of the sigillia and their authenticity and reliability as sources may help to improve our understanding of the implementation and development of the institution of asylum in Byzantium during the reign of Nikephoros I.

Μία περίπτωση ἐφαρμογῆς τοῦ βυζαντινοῦ θεσμοῦ τοῦ ἀσύλου στήν Πελοπόννησο: Ἡ προσφυγή τῶν Σλάβων στό ναό τοῦ Ἁγίου Ανδρέα Πατρῶν

  Ilias Anagnostakis and Anna LambropoulouAn instance of the implementation of the Byzantine institution of asylum in the Peloponnese: the Slavs seek sanctuary in the Church of St Andrew of PatraiThe events which took place in the Peloponnese in the early ninth century (c. 800) are recorded in later sources, mostly of the tenth century. Following the establishment of the theme system of territorial administration and the securing of ecclesiastical order in the region, the emperor Nikephoros I, in implementing his new fiscal and economic policy, took steps to increase the number of inhabitants by systematically encouraging the settlement of new population groups from outside the area. It was within this general context and during this same period that the rebellion of the Slavs in Achaia, as described by Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, needs to be viewed. Clearly, also, the phenomenon needs to be seen within the context of the specific social climate of the region where radical change was taking place and significant breaks with the past were occurring. During the repression of the rebellion the Slavs sought sanctuary in the church of the Apostle Andrew. As a result of this move, however, the rebels were given special treatment as they were viewed as having repented their actions. This was an occurrence whose more general implications are worthy of further study. Looked at from the broader ecclesiastical and political perspective, there are certain characteristic features to be noted in the attitudes towards asylum and the priority ascribed to ecclesiastical over civil law in Constantinople at the end of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth centuries. At the beginning of the ninth century, during the reign of Nikephoros I and while Tarasios was on the patriarchal throne (784-806), the flight of the defeated Slavs to the Church of St Andrew and the relative leniency that was shown them by the state suggest that here we are dealing with an instance of the workings of the institution of sanctuary in Byzantium. While the sources bring in a host of hagiographie and miraculous elements -the standard baggage of accounts of Christianisation and repentance-he flight of the Slavs to the church of the patron saint of the city constitutes, in our opinion, in instance of mass asylum. Moreover, it is interesting to observe that the respective terminology which was used in Porphyrogenitus' account and was in all likelihood included in the sigillion of Nikephoros I relies, in our view, directly on Byzantine legislative reforms concerning sanctuary.This is the first recorded instance of mass asylum and resort to church sanctuary in the middle Byzantine period in the Peloponnese. An effort was made both on the part of the church and the state to find a compromise solution: the former sought recognition of the institution of sanctuary while the latter was concerned to maintain the authority of its judicial and penal organs. The Slavs, who had sought sanctuary in the church, while normally liable to the punishment reserved for insurrection, were in the end granted special treatment. A compromise was found: despite the Slavs' attempt to rebel against the Byzantine authorities, the institution of asylum was fully implemented with the imposition of a number of restrictions and sanctions against the Slav population. The economic side of this treatment, which was generally a feature of the institution of ecclesiastical asylum both in Byzantium and the medieval West, has been well investigated. Indeed, monasticism and land ownership in the region of Bithynia are thought to have developed thanks to the institution of monastic asylum and the geographical boundaries of asylum, and this appears to be the case in the Peloponnese, too, where we see privileges and sigillia being granted for new monasteries and metropoleis in the ninth century. It is particularly interesting to note that the limits of 'rural asylum', i.e. the legal delimitation of the concepts of asylum and imperial donations, are lumped together with the estates of the church or monastery. The transfer of the exploitation of cultivable land to the workers of the monastery or church very often led to the development of settlements in the area. Seen in this light, the introduction of the institution of asylum and its legal delimitation in the case of the ecclesiastical estates of Achaia are directly related to the settlements of the early ninth century. It is probable that in contrast to the case of Syria and Bithynia asylum was not the catalyst behind the gradual settlement of the region of Achaia. However, and more importantly, it did offer solutions to the problems arising from the settlements. In the case of Patrai groups of unruly and discontented peasant populations developed an allegiance to the metropolis and were subsequently integrated to the point that they became entitled to protection from every epinoia adikos ('unjust design').Subsequent to the Patrai episode - as far as the evidence allows us to construe- the Empire turned its military operations to the unsubdued, mountainous and more southerly regions of the Peloponnese. By contrast, the Slavs of Achaia were granted sigillia guaranteeing protection from any unapproved measures or epinoia adikos of the metropolitan. The flight of the Slavs to the Church of St Andrew following the miraculous intervention of the Apostle Andrew and the repression of the revolt, as well as the special treatment that they then received at the hands of the Byzantine authorities on account of their seeking sanctuary in the church, can be seen to constitute a form of asylum that is entirely consistent with the political and social climate and with the concept of asylum of the age of Nikephoros I. Further investigation of the sigillia and their authenticity and reliability as sources may help to improve our understanding of the implementation and development of the institution of asylum in Byzantium during the reign of Nikephoros I.   Ilias Anagnostakis and Anna LambropoulouAn instance of the implementation of the Byzantine institution of asylum in the Peloponnese: the Slavs seek sanctuary in the Church of St Andrew of PatraiThe events which took place in the Peloponnese in the early ninth century (c. 800) are recorded in later sources, mostly of the tenth century. Following the establishment of the theme system of territorial administration and the securing of ecclesiastical order in the region, the emperor Nikephoros I, in implementing his new fiscal and economic policy, took steps to increase the number of inhabitants by systematically encouraging the settlement of new population groups from outside the area. It was within this general context and during this same period that the rebellion of the Slavs in Achaia, as described by Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, needs to be viewed. Clearly, also, the phenomenon needs to be seen within the context of the specific social climate of the region where radical change was taking place and significant breaks with the past were occurring. During the repression of the rebellion the Slavs sought sanctuary in the church of the Apostle Andrew. As a result of this move, however, the rebels were given special treatment as they were viewed as having repented their actions. This was an occurrence whose more general implications are worthy of further study. Looked at from the broader ecclesiastical and political perspective, there are certain characteristic features to be noted in the attitudes towards asylum and the priority ascribed to ecclesiastical over civil law in Constantinople at the end of the eighth and the beginning of the ninth centuries. At the beginning of the ninth century, during the reign of Nikephoros I and while Tarasios was on the patriarchal throne (784-806), the flight of the defeated Slavs to the Church of St Andrew and the relative leniency that was shown them by the state suggest that here we are dealing with an instance of the workings of the institution of sanctuary in Byzantium. While the sources bring in a host of hagiographie and miraculous elements -the standard baggage of accounts of Christianisation and repentance-he flight of the Slavs to the church of the patron saint of the city constitutes, in our opinion, in instance of mass asylum. Moreover, it is interesting to observe that the respective terminology which was used in Porphyrogenitus' account and was in all likelihood included in the sigillion of Nikephoros I relies, in our view, directly on Byzantine legislative reforms concerning sanctuary.This is the first recorded instance of mass asylum and resort to church sanctuary in the middle Byzantine period in the Peloponnese. An effort was made both on the part of the church and the state to find a compromise solution: the former sought recognition of the institution of sanctuary while the latter was concerned to maintain the authority of its judicial and penal organs. The Slavs, who had sought sanctuary in the church, while normally liable to the punishment reserved for insurrection, were in the end granted special treatment. A compromise was found: despite the Slavs' attempt to rebel against the Byzantine authorities, the institution of asylum was fully implemented with the imposition of a number of restrictions and sanctions against the Slav population. The economic side of this treatment, which was generally a feature of the institution of ecclesiastical asylum both in Byzantium and the medieval West, has been well investigated. Indeed, monasticism and land ownership in the region of Bithynia are thought to have developed thanks to the institution of monastic asylum and the geographical boundaries of asylum, and this appears to be the case in the Peloponnese, too, where we see privileges and sigillia being granted for new monasteries and metropoleis in the ninth century. It is particularly interesting to note that the limits of 'rural asylum', i.e. the legal delimitation of the concepts of asylum and imperial donations, are lumped together with the estates of the church or monastery. The transfer of the exploitation of cultivable land to the workers of the monastery or church very often led to the development of settlements in the area. Seen in this light, the introduction of the institution of asylum and its legal delimitation in the case of the ecclesiastical estates of Achaia are directly related to the settlements of the early ninth century. It is probable that in contrast to the case of Syria and Bithynia asylum was not the catalyst behind the gradual settlement of the region of Achaia. However, and more importantly, it did offer solutions to the problems arising from the settlements. In the case of Patrai groups of unruly and discontented peasant populations developed an allegiance to the metropolis and were subsequently integrated to the point that they became entitled to protection from every epinoia adikos ('unjust design').Subsequent to the Patrai episode - as far as the evidence allows us to construe- the Empire turned its military operations to the unsubdued, mountainous and more southerly regions of the Peloponnese. By contrast, the Slavs of Achaia were granted sigillia guaranteeing protection from any unapproved measures or epinoia adikos of the metropolitan. The flight of the Slavs to the Church of St Andrew following the miraculous intervention of the Apostle Andrew and the repression of the revolt, as well as the special treatment that they then received at the hands of the Byzantine authorities on account of their seeking sanctuary in the church, can be seen to constitute a form of asylum that is entirely consistent with the political and social climate and with the concept of asylum of the age of Nikephoros I. Further investigation of the sigillia and their authenticity and reliability as sources may help to improve our understanding of the implementation and development of the institution of asylum in Byzantium during the reign of Nikephoros I.