E-valimistest osavõtmise tegurid ja kogemus

Purpose of the study The purpose of the study was to examine the voting experience of Estonian e-voters during the local elections in fall 2005 and identify the profile of the e-voter. Specific research questions where as following: Q1: What is the level of political participation of the e-voter? Q2: What technical skills and opportunities do e-voters have? Q3: How do e-voters describe the current e-voting experience? Method Empirical data was gathered using the internet-based questionnaire. Questions were presented to the public during one week after the election day from October 17-23, 2005. Total number of e-voters who participated in current electronic elections was 9287. A selection of 324 answered the questionnaire. E-voters were invited to answer the questionnaire through the online advertising in the Estonian largest newspaper online edition and information letters were sent to eight large mailing lists including academic, governmental and private institutions. The social demographic profile of the selection reads as following: 15% represent a younger generation of e-voters aged 18-24; 46% aged 25-34; 54% live in Tallinn, the capital of Estonia, 22% in Tartu, the second biggest town in Estonia. 62% of the people who answered the questionnaire were male, 38% female. Personal income of 45% of the total selection exceeds 7000 EEK. 68% held a bachelor or higher degree. Key findings Despite the small number of e-voters, those who voted considered their e-voting experience positive and they would like to have an e-voting opportunity in future ballots. The risks associated with the credibility of the e-voting system predicted by many technical experts were not significant. On the contrary, the well deployed, tried and tested internet banking ensured a sufficient reliability and credibility rate to e-voters. It was also visible that the credibility rate that was given to the internet banking transformed into credibility rate of the state as a software developer. Since the experience was positive and the rate of credibility relatively high, the e-voter agrees to recommend e-voting to his friends and acts as reference partner to new e- voters. This situation allows the government to adopt methods of affiliate marketing in future electronic elections and this may increase the number of e-voters. If it has a short term impact on the general growth of voting activity is questionable. The level of political participation of e-voters is high. They are people with certain political preferences and they are convinced that voting is something not to be missed even despite the poor weather. Since the rate of political participation of the e-voter is high, it is questionable if e-voting affects general voting activity in the short-term. E- voting is rather an alternative to the traditional ballot and the main motive to participate in e-voting is convenience. However, we predict increasing voter turnout that proceeds from the growing number of e-services consumers and persistent governmental marketing of e-voting as an alternative and convenient mean to vote. E-voters are technically competent, skilful at using computers and e-services and they have excellent access to the internet. Contrary to our prediction, technological barriers (such as the installment of the ID-card reader) were marked as irrelevant. Moreover, there was a considerable number of people who purchased ID-card in order to participate in e-voting. E-voters expressed their satisfaction with the e-voting system

Erakondade veebid valimiskampaaniates 2005 – 2009

The number of internet users in Estonia has grown significantly over the years. As the usage of internet is widespread and the popularity of e-voting is increasing the political parties are realizing more and more that a part of their electorate is actively using internet and spends much of their time online. Different companies and organizations have created opportunities for their clients or citizens to communicate with them online. Political parties have done the same. Parties have their own websites, some of them even several sites. Each party who plays a role in e-scene and has enough self respect has information about upcoming election and central issues on their website. Candidates have their own blogs and in some cases, if the blogger is more active, live discussions are going on in the commentaries. Social networking opportunities useful for campaigning are explored before the elections. Are these opportunities just one-sided or is feedback and participation expected? The main aim of the thesis „Internet use in election campaigns 2005 – 2009” is to study whether and how the political parties use the opportunities of participatory and deliberative democracy in election campaigns through their websites. The concept of internet as idealistic public sphere describes it as a place where free deliberation leads to perfect discussion and where to realize the opportunities that participatory democracy provides. Participatory and deliberative democracies are main concepts which help to create the theoretical bases as internet is carrying the idea of ideal participation in itself. Theoretical part of the thesis discusses the importance of internet campaigning and the growing importance of it and whether it helps to raise the quality of the campaign or are possibilities of political marketing used only to catch the attention of internet users as potential voters. The existence of opportunities may not mean that there is conceptual change in campaign quality although the terms “participatory and deliberative democracies” are becoming more and more common among people. Classical marketing mix can help to reach wider target groups. There is a concern that the use of participation opportunities may not serve the set purposes as the opposition party may start to use it for their own goals. 87 Participatory democracy is often seen as a solution and a chance to keep the electorate active. Citizens have the opportunity to cooperate. More web environments offer a chance for visitors to create their own content. Here a big opportunity is seen for specific or narrow target groups. Taking all the assumptions into account, not all theorists are convinced by the ideality of the internet and it is pointed out that rapidly developed public sphere does not automatically guarantee democracy. Once again questions arise – what motivates the participant and on which topics would the participant agree to discuss and express opinion? The changes concerning the development Estonian e-society and the spread of the internet are described briefly as well. Politics can also be perceived as a forum or as a market. Bearing in mind the stages of development of internet democracy, the term of “consumer democracy” is described that is directly linked to political marketing. Consumer democracy means that tailored services are offered to citizens, but at the same time there is no space for discussion or wider deliberation. This is replaced by a relationship which is similar to a market-consumer relationship model. Focusing on a consumer or a client and knowing certain target groups will provide a significant advantage during the elections. Theorists point out that internet gives an opportunity for participation and political parties have more or less realized that. Optimists hope that ideally the communication between citizen and the state will become easier. Pessimists find that web offers only good opportunities for electronic propaganda. The degree of participation in political websites in Estonian context is very different. Some see it as an obligation, for some it is a great opportunity. Some have chosen a strategy that concentrates on web marketing, but there is a long way to participation. Others also offer possibilities to participate during the campaigns. We assume that we can take over all the positive characteristics of the internet that will improve the campaign substantially. Although it might mean more political commercials and online marketing activities. The empirical part of this thesis is based on data gathered from monitoring the development of political parties’ websites during 2005 – 2009 (only parties which are present at the Parliament are represented). Eight interviews with e-democracy expert, party representatives as customers administrating their web sites and web marketing expert were conducted. Estonian parties consider, at least judging from their websites that their potential voter is an internet user. However it seems that internet users profiles and its change in time is taken into account. For example comparing the web sites in the years 2005 – 2007 it is clear that some sites are more static and only most important information is presented in very laconic way. At the same time other part of webs are more attractive and interactive, also more activities are offered to visitor so that they would spend more time on their website. It is a pleasure to see that websites offer more participation opportunities, even if these are mixed with entertainment and just spending time. Web is changed and most certainly the terms social networking and interactivity have become more important during election campaigns in the short run. It must be admitted that it is also complicated to regulate the web and the upcoming elections will present a real cyber battle of campaigns. Assuming that internet only takes over the possibilities of participatory democracy we would like to address the negative campaigning which is also moving online rapidly. Taking a look at the impact of internet to democracy we cannot yet speak about electronic glut – there is much space to develop further.http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2511437~S1*es

Analysis of usage of public sector e-services in the EU: case study of Estonia

In a situation where the world is moving towards digitalization and automation of e-services it is vital for service providers to maintain a competitive edge and utilize the full benefits of the circumstances. Much like to the private sector, also the public sector service providers need to think how to engage more individuals and get them to use their services in a more efficient way. For that reason more and more e-services provided by the public sector are designed and created. However, that is only the first step of the challenge and the real difficulties start when these service providers try to get individuals to use those services. Similarly the European Union has a challenge in front of it where more and more Member States are moving towards digital solutions, but face the challenge of engaging their citizens. In addition there is an uneven situation across the European Union as some Member States struggle more and seem to be falling behind. In this research paper, a more in depth analysis is being carried out on the real factors that influence individuals to be more engaged in using e-services provided by the public sector. In order to determine what these influencers are, a theoretical background is set in the first part of the paper. In that part, it is discussed, relying on theoretical data as well as official documents published by various institutions of the European Union, what is perceived to affect the decisions of individuals as well as how the impact is distributed between them. As a result of that, a closer look is taken upon trust, access, digital skills, and knowledge of verification methods as well as socio-demographic circumstances like age, gender and education. In the second part of the research paper, a logistic regression analysis is carried out to measure the impact of and statistical significance of those variables in a situation where the dependent variable is usage of a specific e-service provided by the public sector. In the context of this research paper, the focus is on internet based voting in Estonia as it is a public sector e-service, which because of its nature and significance, requires presumably a higher level of trust and capabilities of individuals The results are discussed after the analysis is carried out and ideas for further development as well as limitations of the research are evaluated.http://www.ester.ee/record=b5145920*es

Riigikogu valimiste õiguslik regulatsioon ja võimalikud muudatused de lege ferenda

http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2658434~S1*es

E-valimistest osavõtmise tegurid ja kogemus. E-valijate võrdlev analüüs 2005. aasta kohalike valimiste ja 2007. aasta Riigikogu valimiste põhjal

Purpose of the study The purpose of the study was to provide comparative analysis to the voting experience of Estonian e-voters during the local elections in fall 2005 and spring 2007. The aim was to identify a social and political profile of the e-voter. Specific research questions where as following: Q1: What changes occur in e-voters characteristics in 2005 and 2007 survey results? Q2: Are there any evidences allowing a prediction of a future behaviour of the e-voter? Q3: What characteristics are statistically significant in describing e-voters? Method Empirical data was gathered using the internet-based questionnaires in both 2005 and 2007 surveys. Questions were presented to the public during one week after the election day. Total number of e-voters who participated in electronic elections was 9287 in 2005 and 30243 in 2007. A selection of 324 answered the questionnaire in 2005 and 1206 in 2007. E-voters were invited to answer the questionnaire through the online advertising in the Estonian largest newspapers online editions and information letters were sent to mailing lists including academic, governmental and private institutions. Additionally a representative survey was carried out among 802 respondents in which specific questions regarding e-voting was presented to the general public. Key findings Despite the growing number of e-voters they have remained technically competent, skilful at using computers and e-services and they have excellent access to the internet. Valuations regarding their computer skills remain high even among those who had negative experiences with e-voting system. Technical obstacles (such as the instalment of the ID-card reader or entering the e-voting system) seem not to have an effect of e-voters self-reflexive valuations about their computer skills. Contrary to our predictions, technological barriers are in 2007 even less significant than in 2005. Moreover, instrumental characteristics are improved despite the growing number of e-voters. These characteristics are statistically most significant in describing the e-voter. The level of political participation has decreased in 2007 as a result of a broader sample and a larger number of e-voters. Therefore, results regarding political participation are more balanced with the overall population. However, those who e-voted are still with certain political preferences and they are convinced that voting is something not to be missed even despite the poor weather. Additionally, the 2007 results have shown a significant amount of those who had not participated in elections if e-voting had not been present. Namely had we not had e-voting opportunity in 2007 elections the total turnout would have been 0,7% smaller resulting in approximately 4000 votes. If the future number of e-voters increases, the number of those who participate in e-voting because it is an comfortable way, the turnout could increase even more, predictably to 2,4% in 2009 (approximately 13 000 votes). Contrary to the general academic discussion, Estonian experience in 2007 has shown that e-voting has a moderate impact on actual voter turnout. It is important to note, however, that those who participate because of the new voting method are politically disengaged and therefore the engagement effect is purely mechanical – it is a mass effect attracting those who would not cast their vote normally. E-voters considered their e-voting experience positive and they would like to have an e-voting opportunity in future ballots. Even traditional voters are convinced that e-voting should be provided by the government in future ballots. The risks associated with the credibility of the e-voting system predicted by many technical experts were not significant. Since the experience was positive and the rate of credibility relatively high, the e-voter agrees to recommend e-voting to his friends and acts as reference partner to new e-voters. In fact, 2007 results confirm that the network of e-voters has increased significantly – approximately a half of the responded e-voters know up to five or more other e-voters. This situation allows the government to adopt methods of affiliate marketing in future electronic elections and this may support increasing number of e-voters. Very likely this effect will have an impact on the general growth of voting activity.http://www.ester.ee/record=b3756000*es

Füüsiliselt valimas käimise keerukuse mõju e-hääletanute osakaalule kohalike omavalitsuste volikogude 2009. ja 2013. aasta valimistel

Antud magistritöö eesmärgiks on analüüsida e-hääletuse mehhanismi mõjusid võrreldes selleks statistilisi andmeid, mis illustreerivad füüsiliselt valimas käimise keerukust ja e-hääletuse osakaalu omavalitsuste tasandil 2009. ja 2013. aasta kohalike omavalitsuste volikogude valimisel. E-hääletuse mehhanismi on käesoleval sajandil aina rohkem katsetatud ja praktiseeritud, kuid oodatud valimisaktiivsuse kasvu selle rakendamisega ei ole kaasnenud. Magistritöös otsitakse tõestust eeldusele, et e-hääletuse mehhanismi kasutatakse rohkem seal, kus füüsiliselt valimas käimine on keerulisem tulenevalt suurematest kuludest ajale ja transpordile, et valimisjaoskonda minna. Füüsiliselt valimas käimise keerukust mõõdetakse antud magistritöös keskmise kaugusega valimisjaoskonnast, mis iseloomustab eelmainitut omavalitsuse tasandil ning võrreldakse selle tulemust vastava omavalitsuse e-hääletuse osakaaluga korrelatsioonanalüüsis. Lisaks vaadeldakse põhjalikumalt kõrge või madala e-hääletuse osakaaluga silma paistnud omavalitsusi mõlemal valimisel, et anda rohkem ülevaadet teguritest, mis neis omavalitsustes on olnud selle võimalikeks põhjusteks. Läbiviidud analüüsi tulemusel magistritöö hüpotees, et füüsiliselt valimas käimise keerukus omavalitsuses suurendab e-hääletanute osakaalu kohalike omavalitsuste volikogude valimisel vastavas omavalitsuses, tõestust ei leidnud. Seosed kahe muutuja vahel olid mõlemal valimisel nõrgad ja korrapäratud, kuid 2013. aasta valimistel olid tulemused liikunud paremuse poole, jäädes siiski nõrgaks. Magistritöös arutletakse ka analüüsi selliste tulemuste võimalike põhjuste üle.http://www.ester.ee/record=b4500432*es

E-valimised avaliku arutelu objektina

The current Bachelor’s thesis „E-elections as the Subject of Public Discourse” aimed to set the margins of the discussion taking place over the e-elections in Estonia. The thesis is grounded mainly in the sociological approach. As the result of the analysis, it can be pointed, that the debate over the Estonian e- elections in the local media was rather fragmentated, and the protagonists of the innovation had their specific arguments, while the antagonists responded with theirs, on a completely different subject. This did not enable the debate grow into a rational discussion that would have resulted in consensual decision. Rather, the representation of narrow groups’ intrests dominated. The most active participants in the discussion were the politicians; more generally, the parties. The three most active parties – The Reform Party (Reformierakond), The National Alliance (Rahvaliit) and The Center Party (Keskerakond) attempted to use the debate to vociferate their ideology, and to gain further electoral support. Thereat, the divide between the supportive parties and the opposing parties (in the matter of electronic elections) went through the crossover of the social – liberal and the conservative – innovative scales. And naturally – the politicians supporting the e-elections tend to be more innovative and liberal, and the ones opposing, more conservative and socialist. A sense of politicisation characterised the editorial media, who tended to mediate the political standpoints of various politicians to their readers. That is irrespective of the claims that Estonian papers are non-partisan. Meanwhile, the reader oneself femained rather modest and apolitical in ones vociferations. The politicisation characterised the discourse until the first e-elections were successfully heldi n 2005. Afterwards, the leading role was transmitted to the experts and researchers. Due to that, the debate rationalized somewhat and became more research-based. The approach of the independent researchers and the officials concerned with the development of the e-voting system was somewhat different. In the former case, the approach was more objective and balanced. In the case of the latter, it was affected by their (professional) intrest to socialize the idea of e-elections into the society, and to assure its technical and participatory functioning. Concerning the subjects of the debate – the most attention was drawn to the technical characteristics of the e-voting system, especially among the e-elections supporters.. No significant debate over the matter evolved, theough. As was the case with the political aspect – the most popular amongst the e-elections’ opposers, especially the politicians.. The objective of the latter was to undermine their contestants, and to differentiate their own politics.http://tartu.ester.ee/record=b2156941~S1*es

Poliitiline osalus väljaspool päritolumaad: võõrsil olevate eestlaste hoiakud

Päritoluriigist väljarändajatele kehtivad oma päritoluriigis üldiselt samad õigused ja kohustused kui nende päritoluriigis elavatele inimestele, kuid nad moodustavad oma päritoluriigi parlamendivalimistel kõigist valijatest väikese osa. Päritoluriigist väljarännanud inimesed mitmekesistavad riigi demokraatiat ning Eestis on päritoluriigist väljarännanud inimeste kaasamine Eesti ellu pigem kodanikuühiskonna kui riigi teema. Magistritöö eesmärk on anda ülevaade päritoluriigist väljarännanud inimeste poliitilisest käitumisest ja hoiakutest. Väljarändaja staatus on üks inimeste sotsiaaldemograafilise tausta tunnuseid nagu hariduski ning magistritöö uurimisküsimuseks on, kuidas haridus ja väljaränne mõjutavad inimeste poliitilist käitumist ja hoiakuid. Sotsiaaldemograafilise tausta mõju hindamiseks võrreldakse omavahel kolme gruppi: Eesti elanikkonda, vähemalt magistrikraadiga Eestis elavaid inimesi ja vähemalt magistrikraadiga Eestist väljarännanud inimesi. Võrdluses kasutatakse 2014. aasta Euroopa Sotsiaaluuringu andmeid ning magistritöö tarbeks 2017. aastal läbi viidud küsitluse „Poliitiline osalus väljaspool päritolumaad: võõrsil olevate eestlaste hoiakud“ andmeid. Esiteks võrreldakse kolme grupi poliitilist käitumist (valimisaktiivsus ja kodanikuosalus) ja teiseks kolme grupi poliitilisi hoiakuid (poliitiliste institutsioonide usaldus, rahulolu demokraatia toimimisega) ning sisserändehoiakuid. Inimeste poliitilise käitumise ja hoiakute vaheline seos on lähtuvalt nende taustatunnustest erinev. Magistritöös püstitatakse teoreetilisele kirjandusele toetudes neli hüpoteesi poliitilise käitumise ja hoiakute vaheliste seoste kohta ja otsitakse vastust uurimisküsimusele, kuidas erineva sotsiaaldemograafilise taustaga inimeste poliitiline käitumine ja hoiakud kinnitavad poliitilise käitumise ja hoiakute vahelise seose hüpoteese ning seejuures antakse ülevaade vähemalt magistrikraadiga Eestist väljarännanud inimeste poliitilise käitumise ja hoiakute mustritest.http://www.ester.ee/record=b4684401*es