Kompass Organisation 4.0 für Führungkräfte : ein Leitfaden mit Methoden zur Organisationsentwicklung und Digitalen Transformation in der 4. Industriellen Revolution

Industrie 4.0 und die 4. Industrielle Revolution werden unser aller Leben verändern. Da wir noch ganz am Anfang dieser Revolution stehen, haben wir die Möglichkeit, Einfluss auf den Verlauf dieser Veränderungen zu nehmen. Dies wird jedoch nur dann möglich sein, wenn wir als Gesellschaft, Unternehmen, Führungskräfte sowie Mitarbeiterinnen und Mitarbeiter ein Bewusstsein und Verständnis für die 4. Industrielle Revolution entwickeln. Heute zeigt sich die 4. Industrielle Revolution in drei unterschiedlichen Facetten: 1. Technologisch durch das Konzept Industrie 4.0 2. Organisatorisch durch Konzepte wie Holacracy 3. Arbeitsmethodisch durch agile Vorgehensmodelle wie Scrum Die meisten Unternehmen wählen momentan einen sequentiellen Ansatz, um sich dem Thema zu nähern. Durch die starke technokratische Prägung, die sich in den letzten Jahrzehnten in uns Menschen verfestigt hat, starten sie mit der Technologie. Sie wollen verstehen, welchen Nutzen diese neuen technologischen Konzepte und Möglichkeiten für ihr Unternehmen haben. Die Evaluierung von Industrie 4.0 wird an die Techniker im Engineering, der Produktion oder der Supply Chain delegiert. Irgendwann erkennt die Organisation, dass weder die notwendigen Skills und das Know-How, noch die organisatorischen Voraussetzungen innerhalb des Unternehmens geschaffen sind, um die Möglichkeiten, die die 4. Industrielle Revolution bietet, auszuschöpfen. Diese Herangehensweise ist nach Ansicht des Autors zu träge, wenig innovationsfördernd und der Versuch, den neuen Herausforderungen mit alten Mitteln zu begegnen

“Red Rosa”: Rosa Luxemburg’s Utopia of Revolution

Rosa Luxemburg è stata un outsider sotto molti punti di vista: convinta fautrice dell’internazionalismo nel panorama politico polacco, in cui prevaleva la “questione nazionale” dell’indipendenza e dell’unificazione dei territori polacchi separati, ha polemizzato direttamente col Lenin sul problema della democrazia all’interno del partito e dello Stato comunista; la sua visione politica era i9n netto contrasto con quella del Partito Socialdemocratico Tedesco (SPD) sulla questione dei crediti di guerra; è stata, nella teoria e nella prassi, una sostenitrice dei diritti delle donne. Ma è rimasta un’ebrea senza radici, senza tradizione e senza patria. La morte di Rosa Luxemburg ha segnato la fine di ogni possibilità di una rivoluzione bolscevica in Germania, ma anche la fine di ogni alternativa alla dittatura del partito all’interno del movimento comunista internazionale. Al fallimento politico è seguita la condanna all’oblio. Esiste quasi una conventio ad excludendum nei confronti di Rosa Luxemburg: i polacchi la rifiutano a causa del suo internbazionalismo, gli ebrei a causa della sua freddezza nei confronti della “questione ebraica”, i comunisti perché la considerano “estremista e deviazionista”, i socialdemocratici perché “rivoluzionaria”, i liberali perché la considerano “una terrorista sovversiva e sanguinaria”. Rosa “la rossa”, ebrea senza patria, condizionata dalla sua furia per il suo internazionalismo, è stata vittima della sua stessa euforia, ha tentato di realizzare una rivoluzione politica e sociale, di fondare una repubblica dei consigli dei soldati, degli operai e dei contadini, sbagliando la valutazione delle forze in campo. Ma la sua scelta è stata consapevole e razionale. Una scelta politica e ideale che si pone sulla scia dell’ illuminismo tedesco e della Haskalah. Rosa Luxembur rappresenta una variante radicale degli ebrei assimilate tedeschi, polacchi e russi che hanno tentato di razionalizzare, di far crescere e di “rivoluzionare” la società civile per liberare l’umanità oppressa.Rosa Luxemburg was an outsider in many ways: she vehemently supported internationalism within the Polish political landscape, in which the “national question” of the independence and unification of Polish separated territories prevailed; she argued directly with Lenin about the democracy in the party and in the communist state; her views were in stark contrast to the German Social Democratic party (SPD) on the question of war credits; she was, in theory as well as in practice, a representative of women’s liberation. She remained a Jewess without roots, without tradition and without country. The death of Rosa Luxemburg marked the end of every possibility of Bolshevik revolution in Germany, but also the end of every alternative to the dictatorship of the party within the international communist movement. The political defeat was followed by the condemnation to oblivion. There is almost a conventio ad excludendum against Red Rosa: Poles reject her for her anti-nationalism, Jews because of her indifference to the “Jewish question”, the Communists because they considered her “extremist and deviationist”, the Social Democrats because she was “revolutionary”, the liberals because she was considered a “subversive and bloody terrorist”. Red Rosa, Jewess without homeland, conditioned by the fury of her internationalism, fell victim to her own utopia, she tried to realize a social and political revolution, to build a republic of councils of soldiers, workers, and peasants, missing the valuation of the fighting forces. But her choice was rational and conscious. An ideal and political choice that inherits the tradition of the deutsche Aufklärung and the Haskalah. Rosa Luxemburg represents a radical variant of German, Polish, Russian assimilated Jews who tried to rationalize, to improve, to “revolutionize” civil society to free oppressed humanity

Avant-garde Welfare Capitalism: Corporate Welfare Work and Enlightened Capitalism in Great Britain, the US, Germany and France (1880-1930)

This research paper deals with welfare work in four industrializing countries, Great Britain, the USA, Germany and France, in the half century of flowering enlightened paternalistic capitalism between 1880 and 1930. Welfare work in this context is defined as, sometimes overly, paternalistic labour policy of enlightened entrepreneurs often encompassing workman’s housing programs, pensions, saving programs, educational programs, sports facilities, medical services, worker participation, generous remuneration forms, and shorter working times. The question is raised if nowadays flex-capitalism in the context of shrinking collective welfare states can learn lessons from past experience with welfare work. By redefining paternalistic welfare work in modernistic terms as well as by reweighting company, personal and state responsibilities a new future-proof trade-off as regards welfare work might be realised

Patents, International Technology Transfer and Industrial Dependence in 19th Century Spain.

This paper will attempt to reflect on the processes of international technology transfer at the beginning of European industrialization. During this period, when the achievement and the spread of technical innovations were vital to the acceleration of economic growth, the more underdeveloped countries experienced an increase in technological dependency on the leading countries. In some of them, the transfer of foreign technical information was more important than that generated by the nation itself, which —in spite of the cost increase of implanting foreign innovations, given the scant integration of international equipment markets— supposed a reduction of the degree of uncertainty associated with all processes of technological changes. The principal objective of the following pages is to analyse in detail the Spanish case, a country in obvious economic decline at the end of the 18th century and well below the average for Europe for most of the 19th century. This well-known delay translated into an external technological dependence in several economic sectors, which left its mark on the industrial protection system. Technological information which contains patent applications will be taken as a valid indicator —although only partial— of the direction and structure of the innovation processes in the Spanish economy. Upon careful study of the origin of patented inventions, it can be ascertained, among other things, the degree of dependence upon external technology; which countries played an essential role in the transfer of technology to Spain; and which economic sectors depended more on foreign technology.Technology Transfer; Patents; Spanish Economic History; Technological Change

Shifting Patterns in Marks and Registration: France, the United States and United Kingdom, 1870-1970

This paper looks at trademarks and brands, beyond the conventional interests of marketing and law, as a way to explaining the evolution of international business and economies in general. It shows that the perspective defended by many scholars such as Chandler (1990), Wilkins (1991, 1994) and Koehn’ (2001), about the Anglo-Saxon countries, and in particular the United States, leading the transition to modern trade-marks is narrow in its focus. Instead of the United States standing out as historically on the leading edge of innovation in the law and practice of trade marking, it appears from several directions to have been on the trailing edge. France and Britain have a more enduring interest in trademarking. The paper also looks at one particular subset of trade mark registration data – non durable consumer goods. These, and in particular food, are the dominant sectors in the three countries in terms of trademarking, reflecting the character of the sectors where imagery associated with the products is so central in competition. The paper relies on original data from three countries, France, the United Kingdom and the United States, in particular trade mark registrations, and the analysis spans for a period of one hundred years period 1870-1970.trade marks, brands, international business history, intellectual property rights, trademark law

proximity conflict's resolution and innovation networks of French biotechnology SMe's

During the eighties, small Sme’s of the so-called « Third Italy » obtain high performances. So Italian scholars ( Baganasco, 1977, Becattini, 1979, Brusco, 1982) underline some elements that remind the English districts studied by Marshall. These works open the way to a set of theories based on the same hypothesis of the importance of geographic proximity to innovate. Between them one can list innovative milieux (Aydalot, 1986, Camagni, 1991, Maillat, 1995), national and regional systems of innovation (Lundvall, 1992, Nelson, 1993, Edquist, 1997), local productive systems (Courlet, Pecqueur, 1989), technological districts (Saxenian, 1994) and clusters (Porter, 1998). But all these works have often postulated the real importance of geographic proximity to innovate, and the one of cooperation. Besides, the part of organizational proximity has been underestimated. So our problematic is to bring to the fore what are the factors which explain the coupling of geographic and organizational proximity. Biotechnology present important specificity, especially in terms of the importance of cooperation. But conflicts become very important too in this industry, besides they may increase because of the modification of property rights. We studied innovation networks of French biotechnology Sme’s. As a first result, we brought to the fore that networks can use three kinds of global geographic proximity. Then we demonstrate that the kind of conflict’s resolution explain the coupling of geographic and organizational proximity. Cooperative resolution is coupled with geographic proximity to solve conflicts and with organizational proximity (in the similarity logic). Avoiding resolution is coupled with no geographic proximity to solve conflicts (ICT are used to solve these conflicts), and with belonging kind of organizational proximity. At last, forcing resolution is coupled with belonging but with a little of geographic proximity to solve conflicts.

Industrial Revolutions and Consumption: A Common Model to the Various Periods of Industrialization

What was the role of consumption structure evolution in the industrialization phases of the Western world since the 18th century? To answer this question, we first ask the économical ad historical literature. We detify the main phases of consumption structure evolution and establish a plausible link between consumption structure evolutions and industrial revolutions. In particular, we show that an industrial revolution starts with a "smithian growth process",which is demand driven, and a "schumpeterian growth process" which is supply driven, one the new techniques adopted. We then model the role of consumption habits evolution in the schumpeterian growth process. Finally, we show that consumption habits evolutions can be endogenously explained if we introduce, in an original way, the concept of "commercial revolution", which appears to be mainly linked to schumpeterian growth processes.Industrial revolutions, history, consumption

Hybride Ökonomien und nachhaltige Revolutionen

Die Forderung nach massivem Wandel in den 1990er Jahren wurde nach dem weltweiten Zusammenbruch der Technologiemärkte im Jahr 2001 auf ein neues Nachhaltigkeitsparadigma hin rekonfiguriert. Vorstellungen von radikalem Wandel wurden auf Möglichkeiten der Institutionalisierung von radikalem Wandel ohne Veränderungsfeindlichkeit überprüft. Das Konzept einer „nachhaltigen Revolution“ wurde entwickelt und gab Input in die Logik globaler und nationaler Entwicklungsdiskurse. Mit dem Entstehen einer neuen vernetzten globalen Ökonomie in den 1990er Jahren (Castells 2000) wurden neue Informationstechnologien zunehmend als Schlüssel zu weltweit verteilten Wissensrepositorien betrachtet und galten in Schwellenländern und sich neu industrialisierenden Ländern als Möglichkeit, endlich „auf die gleiche Ebene zu gelangen wie andere Länder“ (Anderson 1997b). Es herrschte die Überzeugung, dass, zum ersten Mal in der Geschichte, „weniger entwickelte“ Länder eine reale Chance hatten, mit den herrschenden Wirtschaftsmächten gleichzuziehen. Eine Revolution war im Gange: die „IT-Revolution“. Die informationstechnologische Revolution bedurfte – anders als die industrielle Revolution – nur geringer individueller Investitionen, um die sich bietenden neuen Potentiale anzuzapfen. Informationstechnologie entwickelte sich rasant zu einem globalen wirtschaftlichen Sektor, der vielen neue Beteiligungsmöglichkeiten bot. Zum Einstieg benötigte man nicht viel: Talent zum Programmieren und einen Computer. Die Vorteile zeigten sich für viele also auf einer ganz konkreten Ebene, und es erschien möglich, das Leben von Individuen ganz unmittelbar zu verbessern. Eine viel größere Anzahl an Gesellschaften und Individuen als je zuvor, so die Einschätzung, konnte von den Vorteilen dieser neuen „Revolution“ profitieren. ..