717 research outputs found

    Baltisaksa põllumeesteseltside võrgustiku kujunemisest

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    Development of a Network ofBaltic German Agricultural SocietiesThe first agricultural society in the Baltic provinces of the Russian Empire was the Livonian Public Welfare and Economic Society (LS) established in 1792 in Riga (approved by the Empress in 1794 and started operating in 1796). Having been transferred from Riga to Tartu in 1813, the society operated here until 1939. In accordance with diversifying economic activities as well as the agrotechnical innovation of agriculture that started in the 1820s, the LS endeavoured to extend the scope of its field of activities. On the one hand, it purportedto coordinate the activities of the analogous societies in thethree Baltic provinces, or, indeed, to be their umbrella organisation.On the other hand, it was attempted to create branch societies with an unlimited membership, and, thereafter, sub-institutions for performing specific tasks. Thus, a merino sheep purchase boom facilitated the establishment of the Livonian Sheep Breeders’ Association in 1825, which cooperated with a similar association in Estonia.In the late 1830s the first pan-governorate agricultural societies were established also in the neighbouring provinces. On 31st October 1839 the Emperor approved the articles of association of three agricultural societies (Courland, Kuldīga, and Estonia). Since the administration hindered the establishment of pan-governorate affiliate societies untilthe last decades of the 19th century, the Courland Economic Society and Estonian Agricultural Society (Estländische Landwirtschaftliche Gesellschaft) subsequently needed to perform the functions of an umbrella organisation in their provinces, similarly to the Society in Livonia. Differently from the LS which included only a limited numberof members, the societies in Courland and all the three provinces were open, i.e., accepted an unlimited number of members. They accepted people interested in the subject from all classes and admitted them by voting during general assemblies.Upon the initiative of LS several agricultural societies were created in Livonia in the early 1840s; they were established as branches or affiliates of the Society. The Livonian Society of Agriculture and Promotion of Trade (LSAPT, Livländischer Verein zur Beförderung der Landwirtschaft und des Gewerbfleisses), the articles of association ofwhich were approved in 1844, was the most important affiliate of LS and its direct extension. The most extensive undertakings of LSAPT were the organisation of annual exhibitions in Tartu as of 1876, and the publication of the weekly newspaper Baltische Wochenschrift für Landwirtschaft, Gewerbefleiss und Handel (1863–1915) intended for the readership of the three Baltic governorates in cooperation with the Society. The Agricultural Societies of Pärnu–Viljandi and Kuressaare were approved only as late as 1845. Since the sphere of activity of LSAPT first and foremost enveloped the vicinity of Tartu and Northern Livonia in terms of its location and membership, the estate owners in the Latvian section of Livonia established their own society in early 1848. At first it bore the name of the Agricultural Society of Võnnu–Volmari–Valka; as of 1866, however, it was changed to the SouthernLivonian Public Welfare and Agricultural Society and the hub of its activities transferred to Riga. The last of the LS County affiliates to be established in 1877 was the Agricultural Society of Võru.In the last quarter of the 19th century and the early 20th century a number of LS’s affiliates were established as pan-governorate specialty societies (some also as societies functioning in all the Baltic governorates): Baltic Foresters’ Society (Verein baltischer Forstwirte) in 1867; Baltic Cattle Breeders’ Society (Verband Baltischer Rindviehzüchter) in 1885—this was divided into the Baltic Angler Breeders’ Society (Verband baltischer Anglerviehzüchter) in 1904/2and the Livonian Dutch Friesian Cattle Breeders’ Society (Verband livländischer Holländer-Friesenviehzüchter) in 1904; Livonian Society for the Promotion of Horse Breeding (Verein zur Förderung der livländischen Pferdezucht) 1897; Livonian Society for the Promotion of Women’s Works (Livländischer Verein zur Förderung der Frauenarbeit) in 1897; Livonian Seed Producers’ Society in 1900; Livonian Gardening Society in 1901; Baltic Swamp Land Improvement Society (Baltischer Moorverein) in 1908; Baltic Association of Cold-Blooded Horse Breeders (Baltischer Verein von Züchter kaltblütiger Pferde) in 1912. Agricultural Societies were also established in parishes; in the Latvian section of Livonia: Ruhja in 1877; Salatsi in 1884; Pociemsi in 1888; Smiltene–Palsmane–Aumeisteri–Gaujiena in 1884; Vendzava in 1897 and Limbaži-Suntaži-Allaži in1904; in the Estonian section, the Agricultural Societies of Vändra in 1895, Kodavere in 1896, Räpina in 1898; and Laiuse in 1900; while Kanepi–Antsla Agricultural Society was established in 1891. The membership of the former consisted nearly exclusively of Baltic German estateowners and scientists in the specialised field concerned; while the latter, LS’s affiliates in the parishes were so-called mixed societies, which also included Estonian or Latvian farmers besides the estate owners and officials, who occupied the dominant positions. Most of the Estonian and Latvian farmers’ societies were independent from the start, while the leadership of the aforementioned mixed societies transferred to small farmers at the beginning of the 20th century.As at 1915 the status of Society affiliates had been granted to 26 societies on the basis of the articles of association; six of those housed their headquarters in the facilities of the Society in Tartu, Lossi 1-3. Compared to the active and close-knit network of societies in Livonia the establishment of societies was slower in the governorate of Estonia; there were also considerably fewer societies—both those of Baltic German great landowners as well as of Estonian small farmers.In the first thirty years of the 19th century the large scale farmers were united only by the Estonian Agricultural Society. The most fundamental changes in reorganising the Estonian agriculture took place in the 1860s and 1870s, while the county affiliates of Estonian Agricultural Society in Virumaa (1869) and Läänemaa (1872) were also founded then. The specialty societies that functioned with a fluctuating degree of activity were a hunting society (Estländische Wildschutzverein) and gardening society.After the establishment of the Courland Economic Society (CES) and the Kuldiga AS (1839), the following 4 ASs were founded considerably later—in Tukums in 1867, Dobele in 1871, Jaunjelgava in 1877, Talsi 1878. Since a sufficient number of members there were already members of the CES, the representatives of the aforementioned local societies declared CES the central society and themselves as branch societies. The most close-knit, varied and active network of Baltic German agricultural societies developed owing tothe LS specifically in Livonia

    Estonian yiddish and its contacts with coterritorial languages = Eesti jidiš ja selle kontaktid Eestis kõneldavate keeltega

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    http://www.ester.ee/record=b1064567~S1*es

    Vähemusrahvuste küsimus Eesti riikluse tekke- ja algusperioodil

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    Artiklis antakse lühiülevaade vähemusrahvuste problemaatikast Eesti riikluse tekke- ja algusperioodil, keskendudes sündmustele, asjaoludele ja mõttemustritele, mis viisid vähemusrahvuste õigusi puudutavate paragrahvide jõudmiseni Eesti esimesse, 1920. aasta põhiseadusesse. Üldistavalt võib öelda, et kui Eesti riikluse eelsel ja selle tekkimise varaseimal perioodil oli eestlaste rahvusliku poliitilise eliidi suhtumine vähemusrahvustesse erinevatel põhjustel suhteliselt positiivne, siis Asutava Kogu kokkutulemise järel ja eeskätt seal domineerinud vasakerakondade rõhutatud saksavastasuse tõttu muutus see oluliselt kriitilisemaks. Seega kujunes 1920. aasta põhiseaduses leiduv ja seadusena kehtestatud käsitlus vähemusrahvuste õigustest omamoodi kompromissiks nimetatud kahe jõuvälja, varasema vähemusrahvusi pooldava ja selleks ajaks tekkima hakanud kriitilisema suhtumise vahel, iseloomustades teatud arengustaadiumit, milleni oli 1919–1920. aastaks Eesti poliitilises ajaloos jõutud. This article provides a brief overview of the national minorities question during the establishment and earliest stages of Estonian statehood, focusing on the events, circumstances and patterns of thought that led to clauses relating to national minority rights provision being included in Estonia’s first, 1920 constitution. To generalise, it could be said that the attitudes of the Estonian national political elites towards the Estonian national minorities were rather positive in the earliest part of the period under consideration, but they turned markedly more negative after the convening of the Estonian Constituent Assembly: a parliamentary body dominated by leftwing parties with explicitly critical views of the Baltic Germans. The treatment that the question of national minority rights received in the 1920 Estonian constitution can therefore be described as a form of compromise between these two political force fields – the earlier positive and the latter, increasingly negative attitudes – that in their turn characterise a certain developmental stage reached by Estonian politics also in a broader sense by 1919–1920

    Liivimaa Üldkasuliku ja Ökonoomilise Sotsieteedi esimene põhikiri ning selle ideelised allikad

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    The First Articles of Association of LivonianPublic Welfare and Economic Societyand its Ideological SourcesIn the autumn of 1795 Georg Friedrich Parrot, a young scientist, joined the Livonian Public Welfare and Economic Society (LS), and was soon appointed its secretary of science. Parrot started to develop the activity programme of the LS that evolved into the organisation’s first articles of association. Parrot’s main points included, among others, the improvement of the natives’ situation, facilitating their education and bettering their living conditions. Those proposals were worded as main purposes in the style of the French physiocrats, intendedto guarantee the development of the society in its entirety, inthe spirit of the Age of Enlightenment. The physiocratic principles worded by Parrot had a role in the emancipation of Estonian and Latvian peasants in the early 19th century.It is also interesting to view the visual output of the purposesset by Parrot and his fellow thinkers, realized by Johan Wilhelm Krause, who worked as a tutor in the home of Ludvig August Mellin, a founding member of LS. His designs reflect several ideological directions in creating the symbols of the future LS – one that pointed to the French enlightened thinkers, and other that relied on ancient authors and underlined the paternalistic care that the estate ownerprovided to the peasants. It is most likely significant that in the early 19th century the diploma of the LS was developed from the latter, which was probably not in accordance with Parrot’s programme

    Baltisaksa ajalehtede välimus 1800–1870

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    Bakalaureusetöö eesmärgiks oli koostada ülevaade 1800.–1870. aastatel tänapäeva Eesti alal ilmunud baltisaksa ajalehtede välimusest ja selle muutumisest. Lisaks võrdlesin baltisaksa ajalehtede välimust ja selle muutumist sama aja eesti ajalehtede välimusega. Samuti analüüsisin, kuivõrd sobitub baltisaksa ajalehtede välimuse areng Roosmarii Kurvitsa eesti ajalehtede välimuse periodiseeringusse. Analüüsisin Tallinna, Tartu ja Pärnu saksakeelseid ajalehti viiest aastakäigust (1800.a, 1820.a, 1850.a, 1860.a ja 1870.a). Iga ajalehe igast aastakäigust valisin 12 lehenumbrit (v.a 1800. aasta, sest toona ei ilmunud Pärnus saksakeelseid ajalehti). Kokku analüüsisin 168 ajalehte. Analüüs seisnes ajalehe välimuse komponentide mõõtmises, loendamises ja kirjeldamises, meetodiks oli nii kvantitatiivne kui kvalitatiivne sisuanalüüs. Tööst selgus, et baltisaksa ajalehed muutusid enim lehenumbri mahu poolest. Samuti kasvas nende ilmumissagedus. Teksti liigendamisel toimus ka muutusi: lood rubriigistati ja lugusid hakati üksteisest eraldama. Struktuuri põhilised osad jäid kogu perioodi vältel üpris samaks. Kõige vähem muutus kirjasuurus. Samuti leidsin, et baltisaksa ajalehed olid eesti lehtedele eeskujuks paljude välimuse tunnuste osas, kuid struktuuri poolest mitte. Eesti ajalehed keskendusid lugejate harimisele, baltisaksa ajalehed aga uudiste edastamisele. Eesti lehtedes oli kasutuses suurem kirjasuurus, mis võis olla selle pärast, et eesti ajalehtede lugejad olid vähema lugemisoskusega talupojad. Lisaks selgus, et baltisaksa ajalehed olid eesti lehtedest ligi ühe kümnendiga ees, mille tõttu Kurvitsa defineeritud eesti ajalehtede raamatulik periood ei vasta üks-ühele baltisaksa ajalehtede välimusega, vaid lõpeb 1870. aastate asemel 1860. aastatel. Bakalaureusetöö peamine eesmärk oli kirjeldada tuginedes kvantitatiivsetele andmetele baltisaksa ajalehtede välimust ja selle muutumist 1800.–1870. aastatel ning püüda seletada, mis võis tingida välimuse muutumist.http://www.ester.ee/record=b4605032*es

    Baltisaksa tekstide tõlgetest eesti keelde alates Teise maailmasõja lõpust kuni tänase päevani. Lisandusi eesti tõlkeloole

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    Käesoleva magistritöö eesmärgiks on uurida – lähtudes Eesti tõlkeloo laiemast raamistikust – baltisaksa tekstide tõlkelugu ning panna kokku andmebaas, mis kätkeks võimalikult täielikku ülevaadet Teise maailmasõja lõpust peale eesti keelde tõlgitud baltisaksa tekstide kohta. Nimetatud teemapüstituse vajaduse on tinginud kaks desideraatset asjaolu. Esiteks vajadus – lähtudes Eesti kultuurist kui tõlkekultuurist – Eesti tõlkeloo uurimise ja täiendamise järele, teiseks aga tarvidus tegeleda baltisaksa kultuuriloo kui Eesti kultuuriloo orgaanilise osa uurimisega. Mõlema küsimuse puhul üritab käesolev uurimus olla abiks lünkade täitmisel. Vajadus Eesti tõlkeloo järele tõstatati juba enam kui veerand sajandi eest ning erineva nurga alt on nimetatud teemapüstitusega ka tegeletud, üritades vastavat teadmist koondada. Nõukogude aja tõlkelugu on valgustanud Anne Lange ja Daniele Monticelli. Baltisaksa tekstide tõlkeid eesti keelde on varasemalt käsitlenud Liina Lukas5 ja Maris Saagpakk.http://www.ester.ee/record=b4605517*es

    Liivimaa Üldkasulik ja Ökonoomiline Sotsieteet ning teadmiste areng Eesti ala kõrgussuhete kohta 19. sajandil

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    The Livonian Public Welfare and EconomicSociety and Studies in the Estonian Reliefin the 19th CenturyIt is remarkable that the history of Estonian cartography is at the same time the history of Estonian agriculture, not that of military sciences with which the development of cartography is usually connected in many countries of the world. Military science did have a roll in mapping the western governorates of Russia, i.e., Estonia, Livonia and Courland, but the Estonian, Livonian and Curonian agricultural societies were more important in the early 19th century and its secondhalf.The first detailed hypsographic map in Estonia was completedupon the initiative of the Estonian Agricultural Society in the years 1868–1869 with the purpose of determining the paludified areas in the governorate of Estonia. The Livonian Public Welfare and Economic Society did not want to fall behind its sister organisation.Carl Johann von Seidlitz, owner of the Meeri estate, physician and naturalist, was responsible for the general levelling of Livonia from the part of the Society. He headed the respective commission which determined the main principles of levelling by early 1874 and tasked that the measurements to be taken be more precise than in Estonia. They did achieve that purpose, although the work was prolonged andfinancially exhausting for the Society

    Oswald Külpe’s life in Estonia

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    Oswald Külpe on tuntud kui üks Würzburgi koolkonna rajatest ning märkimisväärne eksperimentaalpsühholoog. Kuid vähetuntud on fakt, et Külpe pärines tegelikult tänapäeva Läti aladel asuvast Kuramaa kubermangust, samuti ei ole enamus kuulnud sellest, et ta õppis aasta Tartu Ülikoolis ja lõpetas 1886. aasta kooli ajaloolasena. See uurimus keskendus tollele vähetuntud ajaperioodile ja üritas välja uurida võimalikult palju Külpe elust Eestis tema õpilaskaustiku alusel. Kaustik sisaldas mitmeid avaldusi, hindelehti, lõputööd ja lõpudiplomit. Materjalidest tulenevat infot võrreldi käesolevate Külpet puudutavate teadmistega ja analüüsiti, uurimustööst saadud lisatöö väärtust. Arhiivimaterjalide läbitöötamise tulemusel esitab see uurimus tõlgenduse Külpe Eestisse tuleku põhjustest ja Eesti mõjudest tema karjääri kujunemisesse

    Personenbezeichnungen, Personenbeschreibungen und kommunikative Formeln mit Eigennamen in deutschbaltischen Idiomen

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    Käesolevas töös analüüsiti baltisaksa idioome, mis kuuluvad kategooriasse isikunimetused, -kirjeldused ning isikunimesid sisaldavad kommunikatiivsed väljendid, keskendudes peamiselt nende tähendusele, aga ka struktuurile. Töö eesmärgiks oli vaadata, milliseid iseärasusi antud fraseologismidest leida võib ning seeläbi saada väike ülevaade tolle aja kõnepruugist. Töö sisu jaotus kolmeks osaks. Esimeses osas tutvustati põgusalt baltisaksa keelt ning selle määratlust – mis eristab seda saksa standardkeelest ning kas seda saab vaadelda kui dialekti. Võib järeldada, et baltisaksa keelt ei saa lugeda eraldiseisvaks dialektiks, kuna ta ei vasta dialekti definitsioonile. Saksa keelest eristab teda lisaks mõningastele laensõnadele erinev hääldus, mis sõltus omakorda veel sellest, kas tegu oli näiteks Läti või Eesti aladel elavate baltisakslastega.http://www.ester.ee/record=b5144040*es
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