United States foreign policy in Kazakhstan during years of independence : 1991-2002

Ankara : The Department of International Relations, Bilkent University, 2003.Thesis (Master's) -- Bilkent University, 2003.Includes bibliographical references leaves 106-116.Dissolution of the USSR was one of the most fascinating events of the twentieth century. It altered world’s geopolitical structure and symbolized the end of the Cold War. The year 1991 was a crucial landmark for the Newly Independent States to gain their sovereign status and become equal members of the international community. Since then the United States, as a super power, kept an eye on the development processes of each exSoviet state, and particularly those of Central Asia. The US policy-makers were concerned about the appearance of unstable spots on the Eurasian continent, which could have the spillover effect on neighboring countries. Kazakhstan, as one of the leading Central Asian states, is the main focus of our research due to its crucial geopolitical location, possession of rich natural resources, its multi-ethnicity, its inheritance of the Soviet nuclear arsenal, and many other factors which make this country unique and worthy of deep investigation. Though many IR scholars believed the Unites States did not have any interests in Central Asia, having the luxury of distance, this perception proved to be erroneous. The aim of this research is to classify US interests in Central Asia, particularly in Kazakhstan, to examine the main directions of the American policy in the region, to emphasize the importance of bilateral cooperation between the United States and Kazakhstan, which could be beneficial for both, to give critical evaluation of US undertakings in the region, and to reflect on future perspectives of further collaboration. This work intends to supplement the worldwide ongoing research on Central Asian countries, and we hope that it will change the misperception that the region is an exotic and remote comer of the world. Only an accurate understanding of each country’s peculiarities may help the United States formulate clear and coherent policy, and assist Central Asian states in building stable and truly independent societies.Tulepbayeva, RozaM.S

Between the Bear and the Dragon: Multivectorism in Kazakhstan as a Model Strategy for Secondary Powers

Kazakhstan has followed a foreign policy of multivector diplomacy since its independence from the former Soviet Union. While multivectorism was a strategy of necessity in its early years, it has evolved to empower Kazakhstan to effectively protect its independence and negotiate its relationship with the great powers on its borders and further afield. After the 2014 Russian seizure of Crimea it is noteworthy that Kazakhstan has maintained positive relations with Russia while asserting its sovereignty and independent foreign policy. In this article we investigate how Kazakhstan has negotiated the rise of China, taking advantage of the economic opportunities it presents. We trace the foreign policy of Kazakhstan from independence forward, examining its relationships with its Great Power neighbours and its role in international organizations and negotiations. We posit that multivectorism is similar to the strategy of omni-enmeshment and complex balancing seen in south-east Asia. Both are effective methods for secondary powers to protect their sovereignty and to coexist with Great Powers without becoming their client states. Kazakhstan\u27s approach to foreign policy is an exemplar for secondary states. This article contributes to the literature on the strategic decision-making of secondary powers and to the theoretical analysis of the foreign policy of Kazakhstan during a critical moment of transition from the long-time rule of Nursultan Nazarbayev to the presidency of Kassym-Jomart Tokayev

Do Economic Linkages through FDI Lead to Institutional Change? Assessing Outcomes in Kazakhstan, Azerbaijan and Kyrgyzstan

Foreign direct investment (FDI) can deliver benefits beyond the provision of capital, such as efficiency gains. We argue that the theorised positive effects of economic linkage are reduced when linkages are based on natural resources. Domestic elite coalitions supporting reform are also weaker in countries with extensive natural resources. Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan have high-value natural resources and significant FDI, making them most likely cases for reform. Kyrgyzstan is a contrasting case as it has few natural resources. We find that the institutional reforms we would anticipate because of linkages have not occurred and those that exist are often cosmetic