The Polish-Catholic National Church: Between Messianism and Socialism

Religious reformism is sometimes linked with social radicalism. In Poland, perhaps the most striking example of this was Father Andrzej Huszno’s Polish-Catholic National Church, which was active in the 1920’s. The PKKN doctrine linked proletarian anti-capitalism and Polish national messianism of romantic provenance with an attempt to re-interpret Christianity in the theosophical spirit. This made Huszno’s movement a tactical ally of the Piłsudkiites, who initially tried to maintain their social-radical and anticlerical traditions, and also make religious structures subordinate to the state (the Orthodox Church first in line). The Piłsudkiites’ turn towards conservatism after the May Coup meant that the PKKN lost ground under its feet

Radykalizmy polityczne w Europie w okresie kryzysu gospodarczego (2007-2012)

"24 października 1929 r., w tzw. „czarny czwartek”, doszło do załamania notowań na nowojorskiej giełdzie papierów wartościowych – w ciągu kilku godzin rzucono na sprzedaż 16 mln akcji. Wprawdzie krach opanowano dzięki zbiorowemu wysiłkowi największych banków amerykańskich, ale we wtorek 29 października nastąpiła następna, jeszcze większa fala wyprzedaży. Indeks giełdy spadł z rekordowych 381 punktów (3 września) do 198 (13 listopada) i spadał nadal. Zanim kryzys osiągnął w 1933 r. swe dno, z obiegu „wyparowało” 74 mld dolarów czyli ok. 80% całego kapitału akcyjnego z 1929 r. W 1931 r. liczba bankructw w Stanach Zjednoczonych Ameryki wyniosła 28,3 tys. Do końca 1932 r. produkcja przemysłowa zmniejszyła się o 47%, handel zagraniczny obniżył się o ¾, a liczba bezrobotnych sięgnęła 13 mln (32%)2." [fragment tekstu

Pędy na zrębie. Na marginesie książki W. Juliana Koraba‑Karpowicza “Harmonia społeczna, czyli zasady szczęśliwego społeczeństwa”

Recenzja książki książki W. Juliana Koraba‑Karpowicza "Harmonia społeczna, czyli zasady szczęśliwego społeczeństwa

Myśl polityczna Ruchu Miecza i Pługa a ideologia zadrużna

The purpose of this article is to analyze the political thought of the Movement Sword and Plough, and fi nding sources in the concepts Zadruga – pre-war neo-pagan groups. The Sword and the Plow was not the only Polish nationalist underground organization, however, was one of the few that nationalism separated from Catholicism

Między "Rochem" i "Szańcem" : ugrupowania narodowo-chłopskie w konspiracji

The weakness of the Szaniec Group forced its members to seek allies. A chance to break away from isolation was perceived in the collaboration with the right wing of the popular movement. Związek Pracy Ludowej “Orka”, which as an organisation of intellectuals with a peasant background wanted to extend the influence of the popular movement on the city was supposed to become a partner. However, the populist ideas of “Orka” collided with the nationalism which postulated unconditional national solidarity. Nevertheless the plea to subject the countryside to national interests was responded to by the “Orka” activists not in a Marxist manner — by emphasising the primacy of class peasant interests — but by identifying the people with the nation and by demanding from other strata of the society the recognition of the hegemony of the peasants. The “Orka’s” pursuit to ensure the popular movement a leading role in the state eventually precluded an alliance with the nationalists and forced the Związek Pracy Ludowej to combine with “Roch”

Strategia oporu niekierowanego w wojnie asymetrycznej

Present terroristic organizations base its activity for more often on Leaderless Resistance. It in this strategy does not exist disposable organizational central and organisational sections are loose connected system with full autonomy, in range of planning and so exexuting. Such structure assures the terroristic web large elasticity and resistance from state blow. In proposal version by Beam, organizational system is based on cellular structure, but there is no central control or management; all individuals and sections operate seperatley between one’s, and never answer to head office or individual leader for instructions or orders. The web as organizational structure is elastic, adapts easily to chances in surrounding. Thanks to it is resistants on blows. The central point bases on distant structure decentralization, in this way, that manifests not only in independent sections but also in their specialisation

Między tradycją i ponowoczesnością : neopoganie Europy Wschodniej w obliczu globalizacji - recenzja

Recenzja książki: Modern Pagan and Native Faith Movements in Central and Eastern Europe, Kaarina Aitamurto, Scott Simpson (eds.), Durham 2013, 358 stro

Naprawa czy zniszczenie demokracji? : tendencje autorytarne i profaszystowskie w polskiej myśli politycznej 1921-1935

This work is a synthetic presentation of authoritarian and pro-fascist tendencies appearing in the Polish political thought between 1921 and 1935, tendencies resulting from the crisis of a liberal parliamentary democracy getting stronger (not only in Poland) in the interwar period. After regaining independence, the realities of parliamentarism did not overlap with hopes and expectations harboured so far that is why disappointment with democracy started to germinate in different environments. In the first half of the 1920s the slogans of a withdrawal from democracy remained rare and tentative, and, in general, constrained to postulates of a temporary facilitation of the institution and democratic mechanisms. The 1926 was the breakthrough. The awareness of the democracy crisis has become common. Despite this, authoritarianism initially seemed a temporary phenomenon. In the 1930s, Great Economic Crisis deepened disappointment with democracy making what was initially an exception to the rule a rule. The harbinger of the new epoch was the birth of the National Radicalism. The first chapter is devoted to terminological issues, and explains the notions of demoliberalism, authoritarianism and totalitarianism used in this work. The second chapter describes the bases from which authoritarian tendencies were born in the interwar period, namely criticism of democracy to be found in the Polish political thought of the 19. century. Next chapters present antidemoliberal conceptions of fascists in the 1920s, conservatives, national democrats, Christian democrats, Piłsudski’s camp, national-workers movement, agrarian movement and Marxist groups, as well as esoteric circles, Pan-Slavists, eugenic activists, technocrats, war veterans, and, finally, National Radicals from the beginning of the 1930s. Both system solutions proposed in their political thought and their ideological justification were examined. An alternative to a parliamentary democracy took on different forms. One can see here a variety of propositions: from insignificant corrections of the democratic system to its total negation. “Old” national democrats, some conservatives, Christian democrats, agrarian populists, and initially Piłsudskites were limited to the reform of parliamentarism with maintaining its fundaments. Authoritarianism was represented by “young” national democrats of the Obóz Wielkiej Polski (the Greater Poland Camp), and a majority of conservatives. After 1926 it was a direction in which the reform moved. Totalitarianism did not have many followers. Reform proposals showed far-reaching similarity: reinforcement and independence of the executive, reorganization and restriction of the role of the Parliament, and, finally, corporatist system based on organized social groups were postulated. What was different, on the other hand, was the justification of these projects. The national democrats wanted to protect the interest of the ethnic Polish nation. Piłsudskites and conservatives accentuated the necessity to provide the Polish state with power (and, thus, the possibility of expansion). The latter, with Christian democrats, motivated their postulates with a defense of a traditional social and moral order. According to the left-wing activists, strong authority was also to be a tool of nation modernization and conducting social reforms. The most peculiar explanation was given by esoteric groups, according to whom the change of the political system was to serve the fulfillment of moral and metaphysical aims

Przemoc w ruchu ekologicznym: od obywatelskiego nieposłuszeństwa do terroryzmu (przypadek Earth Liberation Front)

"Tragedia 11 września 2001 r., stawiając na pierwszym planie zagrożenie ze strony terroryzmu międzynarodowego przyćmiła fakt, że USA borykają się też z terroryzmem rodzimego chowu. A na wewnętrznym froncie najbardziej zapalnym odcinkiem nie pozostaje ani skrajna lewica, której terroryzm wydaje się mieć swe apogeum już za sobą, ani mniejszości etniczne, rasowe i wyznaniowe, ani nie nawet rozreklamowana skrajna prawica wraz z ruchem antyaborcyjnym - tylko radykalni ekolodzy. W marcu 2001 r. FBI uznało Earth Liberation Front za najgroźniejszą rodzimą grupę terrorystyczną, czemu wtórowały media. „New York Post” nazwał ELF „nową i okropną twarzą ekologizmu”, „Washington Times” w artykule War against eco-terrorists (7 października 2001 r.) napisał: „ELF i ALF mogą być nazwane kluczowymi ogniwami w sieci wojowniczych grup ekologicznych - eko-al- Kaida”."(...

Ugrupowania zadrużne i neozadrużne w okresie okupacji hitlerowskiej (1939-1945)

Zadruga was comparatively the best-known Neo-pagan formation which had existed in Poland. However, its history during occupation period is not well-known. The members of ‘Zadruga’ editing, who were close around Stachniuk, were avoiding, at first, a political activity. They were concentrated on formation work gathered in a narrow group. That caused a sort of a riot of workers who came towards an active fight. The fight of young Supporters of the formation who created the 'The Generational Young Movement’ which was united with 'the 'The Sword and Plough Fraction’. In turn, the old zadruzans entered, in 1943, to 'The National Spurt Fraction’ where they installed their ideology in the modified 'neo-zadruzna' form