642 research outputs found

    The Fragile Families and Child Well-Being Study: Questions, Design, and a Few Preliminary Results

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    Nonmarital childbearing is important because it is increasing and because there is concern (and some evidence) that it is damaging to children and perhaps parents as well. We refer to the unions of unwed parents as fragile families because they are similar to traditional families in many respects, but more vulnerable. Most people believe that children in fragile families would be better off if their parents lived together and their fathers were more involved in their upbringing. Indeed, public policy is now attempting to enlarge the role of unwed fathers both by cutting public cash support for single mothers and by strengthening paternity establishment and child support enforcement. Yet the scientific basis for these policies is weak. We know very little about the men who father children outside marriage, and we know even less about the nature of their relationships with their children and their children’s mothers. The Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study (FFS) is designed to remedy this situation by following a new birth cohort of approximately 4,700 children, including 3,600 children born to unmarried parents. The new data will be representative of nonmarital births in each of 20 cities and in U.S. cities with populations over 200,000. Both mothers and fathers will be followed for at least 4 years, and in-home assessments of children’s heath and development will be carried out when the child is 4 years old. The survey is designed to address the following questions: (1) What are the conditions and capabilities of new unwed parents, especially fathers? (2) What is the nature of the relationships in fragile families? (3) What factors push new unwed parents together and what factors pull them apart? In particular, how do labor markets, welfare, and child support public policies affect family formation? (4) How do children fare in fragile families and how is their well-being affected by parental capacities and relationships, and by public policies? The paper discusses what we know about each of these questions and how the FFS addresses each of them. It also presents preliminary findings based on data from Austin, Texas, and Oakland, California.

    Fathers in Fragile Families

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    Nonmarital childbearing has increased dramatically in the U.S. since the early 1960s, rising from 6% of all births in 1960 to fully 40% in 2007 (Hamilton, Martin, & Ventura, 2009; Ventura & Bachrach, 2000). Whereas similar trends have occurred in many developed nations, the U.S. stands out in the extent to which such births are associated with socioeconomic disadvantage and relationship instability, giving rise to a new term ‘fragile families.’ The increase in fragile families reflects changes not only in the context of births but also in the fundamental nature and patterns of childrearing, particularly with respect to fathers’ roles and involvement with children.Fragile families, childbearing, nonmarital childbearing, fartherhood, fathers

    DOES MOTHER KNOW BEST?: A COMPARISON OF BIOLOGICAL AND SOCIAL FATHERS AFTER A NONMARITAL BIRTH

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    High rates of nonmarital childbearing combined with high rates of instability and repartnering in nonmarital relationships portend that a large proportion of children born to unmarried mothers can expect to spend time with a ‘social father.’ This paper uses data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study to examine the prevalence and characteristics of social fathers during the first three years following a nonmarital birth. The results indicate that 22% of unmarried mothers have formed new partnerships by the time their child is age three, and 12% are living with their new partners. The results also indicate that re-partnering represents a gain for most mothers and children in terms of fathers’ human capital and pro-social behavior. Our findings are consistent with the idea that unmarried mothers continue to search for ‘good fathers’ after their children are born and that many of these women are successful in their search.

    Unmarried Fathers’ Earnings Trajectories: Does Partnership Status Matter?

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    Married men earn more than unmarried men. Previous research suggests that marriage itself causes some of the difference, but includes few men who fathered children out of wedlock. This paper asks whether increasing marriage (and possibly cohabitation) following a non-marital birth is likely to increase fathers’ earnings and labor supply. The analyses are based on a new birth cohort study the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study which follows unmarried parents for the first five years after their child’s birth. Results provide some support for the idea that increasing marriage will lead to increased fathers’ earnings.Cohabitation, marriage, income, men, males, earnings, income, children

    Couples as Partners and Parents over Children’s Early Years

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    We use data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study to examine couple how couple relationship quality and parental engagement are linked over children’s early years. Our sample includes 1,630 couples that are co-resident over years 1 to 3 and 1,376 over years 3 to 5 (1,196 over both periods). Overall, we find that better relationship quality predicts greater parental engagement for both mothers and fathers—especially from children’s infant to toddler years; we find little evidence that parenting predicts future relationship quality. Married and cohabiting couples are generally similar in how relationship quality and parenting are linked. When couples are having their first birth, relationship quality is more strongly tied to parental engagement for fathers (but not mothers).Couple relationship quality, parenting, fragile families

    Pathways to economic well-being among teenage mothers in Great Britain

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    The present study examines pathways to independence from social welfare among 738 teenage mothers, participants of the 1970 British Cohort Study, who were followed up at age 30 years. Using a longitudinal design, a pathway model is tested, examining linkages between family social background, cognitive ability, school motivation, and individual investments in education, as well as work- and family-related roles. The most important factors associated with financial independence by age 30 are continued attachment to the labor market as well as a stable relationship with a partner (not necessarily the father of the child). Pathways to financial independence, in turn, are predicted through own cognitive resources, school motivation, and family cohesion. Implications of findings for policy making are discussed.© 2010 Hogrefe Publishing
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