Model based tuning of a variable-speed governor for a distributor fuel-injection pump

Iako prevaziđeni, mehanički regulatori su još uvek u velikoj meri zastupljeni kao deo postojećih, pa čak i novih sistema za ubrizgavanje goriva kod dizel-motora. Mehanički regulatori se nameni prilagođavaju pomoću podesivih elemenata kojima se diskretno menja karakteristika regulatora. Radi što jednostavnijeg podešavanja i sveobuhvatnog sagledavanja uticaja pojedinih parametara na regulatorsku karakteristiku, formiran je i predstavljen matematički model regulatora. Rad se bavi analizom uticaja podesivih parametara na statičke i dinamičke karakteristike sverežimskog regulatora distributor pumpe tipa DPA. Analiza dinamičkog ponašanja regulatora spregnutog sa motorom, u zatvorenoj petlji, vršena je u okviru sveobuhvatne jednodimenzionalne višedomenske simulacije.Rather obsolete, mechanical governors are still used in an enormous number of existing and even some new diesel engine injection systems. Change of a governor characteristic and adapting to a specific engine application is possible through adjustments of governor's elements. In order to achieve fast and accurate evaluation of adjustable parameters, mathematical model of a governor is introduced. This paper deals with the impact of adjustable parameters on static and dynamic characteristics of the mechanical variable-speed governor in DPA distributor type fuel injection pump. Dynamic testing of a closed loop Diesel engine - governor - injection system is conducted within comprehensive 1D multidomain simulation environment

Model based tuning of a variable-speed governor for a distributor fuel-injection pump

Iako prevaziđeni, mehanički regulatori su još uvek u velikoj meri zastupljeni kao deo postojećih, pa čak i novih sistema za ubrizgavanje goriva kod dizel-motora. Mehanički regulatori se nameni prilagođavaju pomoću podesivih elemenata kojima se diskretno menja karakteristika regulatora. Radi što jednostavnijeg podešavanja i sveobuhvatnog sagledavanja uticaja pojedinih parametara na regulatorsku karakteristiku, formiran je i predstavljen matematički model regulatora. Rad se bavi analizom uticaja podesivih parametara na statičke i dinamičke karakteristike sverežimskog regulatora distributor pumpe tipa DPA. Analiza dinamičkog ponašanja regulatora spregnutog sa motorom, u zatvorenoj petlji, vršena je u okviru sveobuhvatne jednodimenzionalne višedomenske simulacije.Rather obsolete, mechanical governors are still used in an enormous number of existing and even some new diesel engine injection systems. Change of a governor characteristic and adapting to a specific engine application is possible through adjustments of governor's elements. In order to achieve fast and accurate evaluation of adjustable parameters, mathematical model of a governor is introduced. This paper deals with the impact of adjustable parameters on static and dynamic characteristics of the mechanical variable-speed governor in DPA distributor type fuel injection pump. Dynamic testing of a closed loop Diesel engine - governor - injection system is conducted within comprehensive 1D multidomain simulation environment

Possibilities to identify engine combustion model parameters by analysis of the instantaneous crankshaft angular speed

In this paper, novel method for obtaining information about combustion process in individual cylinders of a multi-cylinder spark ignition engine based on instantaneous crankshaft angular velocity is presented. The method is based on robust box constrained Levenberg-Marquardt minimization of non-linear least squares given for measured and simulated instantaneous crankshaft angular speed which is determined from the solution of the engine dynamics torque balance equation. Combination of in-house developed comprehensive zero-dimensional two-zone spark ignition engine combustion model and analytical friction loss model in angular domain have been applied to provide sensitivity and error analysis regarding Wiebe combustion model parameters, heat transfer coefficient, and compression ratio. The analysis is employed to evaluate the basic starting assumption and possibility to provide reliable combustion analysis based on instantaneous engine crankshaft angular speed

Possibilities to identify engine combustion model parameters by analysis of the instantaneous crankshaft angular speed

In this paper, novel method for obtaining information about combustion process in individual cylinders of a multi-cylinder spark ignition engine based on instantaneous crankshaft angular velocity is presented. The method is based on robust box constrained Levenberg-Marquardt minimization of non-linear least squares given for measured and simulated instantaneous crankshaft angular speed which is determined from the solution of the engine dynamics torque balance equation. Combination of in-house developed comprehensive zero-dimensional two-zone spark ignition engine combustion model and analytical friction loss model in angular domain have been applied to provide sensitivity and error analysis regarding Wiebe combustion model parameters, heat transfer coefficient, and compression ratio. The analysis is employed to evaluate the basic starting assumption and possibility to provide reliable combustion analysis based on instantaneous engine crankshaft angular speed

Trade (and) Cooperation Within the Chinese Led Multilateral Framework 16+1

December 2019 saw the 40th anniversary since the beginning of Chinese reforms and opening up initiated by the Deng Xiaoping in 1978 and continued by next generations of Chinese Communist Party’s leaders. This has led to the great changes both in and between economic and political relations of China. Increasing economic power impacted China’s foreign relations and diplomatic practices. Regional and multilateral cooperation turned out to mark the new China in international affairs. The first part of the paper presents Chinese economic opening and development of multilateralism and regionalism in Chinese foreign policy and its impact on the relations with Central and Eastern European countries. Second part of paper is focused on institutional development of China + 16 Central and Eastern Countries mechanism. Particular attention will be paid on institutionalization of the sub-mechanism defined in guidelines for promoting mutual trade. The third part of the paper analyses the nature, scope and scale of Sino-Central and Eastern European trade

The influence of the discourse of peaceful development On Chinese (re) positioning in the international order

Na osnovu velikog broja relevantnih pokazatelja, danas, sa velikom sigurnošću, možemo pretpostaviti da Narodna Republika Kina (Kina) predstavlja jedan od najvažnijih geopolitičkih i geoekonomskih vektora multipolarnog međunarodnog poretka. Međutim, kineska spoljna politika je oduvek bila teško shvatljiva brojnim stručnjacima iz oblasti međunarodnih odnosa koji dolaze iz tzv. zapadne škole mišljenja, iz prostog razloga što ona nikada nije bila oblikovana prema „pravilima“ prosvetiteljskog racionalizma. Zbog toga njihove metode, paradigme, teorije i indikatori, u odgovoru na ključno pitanje o uticaju miroljubivog razvoja na kinesko geopolitičko (re)pozicioniranje u međunarodnom poretku, daju polovičan i vrednosno-subjektivan odgovor. Namera ovog rada je da analizom kineskog diskursa miroljubivog razvoja u periodu od 2003. do 2012. godine kada je na čelu Kine bio Hu Đintao (Hu Jintao), iz drugačijeg ugla pruži odgovor na postavljeno pitanje. U prvom delu rada biće problematizovano pitanje ekonomskog uspona Kine, njene demografske, diplomatske i geopolitičke snage u očima zapadnih država, u svetlu potencijalnih izazova po već ustanovljene norme ponašanja država u međunarodnom okruženju. Drugi deo ovog rada biće posvećen kritičkom objašnjenju koncepta miroljubivog razvoja u svetlu načina njegovog kreiranja, dok se treći deo bavi njegovom suštinskom važnošću u praktičnom potvrđivanju i izvršavanju kroz spoljnopolitičko i unutrašnje delovanje KineToday, based on a large number of relevant indicators, we can assume with great certainty that the People's Republic of China (China) is one of the most important geopolitical and geoeconomic vectors of the multipolar international order. However, China's foreign policy has always been hard to understand to a number of experts in the field of international relations coming from the so-called western schools of thought for the simple reason that it was never shaped according to the "rules" of Enlightenment rationalism. Therefore, their methods, paradigms, theories and indicators, in response to the key question on the impact of peaceful development on Chinese geopolitical (re) positioning in the international order, give a partial and value-subjective answer. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the Chinese discourse of peaceful development between 2003 and 2012 when Hu Jintao was the head of China and to answer the question raised from a different angle. In the first part of the paper, the issue of the economic rise of China, its demographic, diplomatic and geopolitical power in the eyes of the Western states will be discussed in the light of the potential challenges for the already established norms of state behavior in the international environment. The second part of this paper will be devoted to the critical explanation of the concept of peaceful development in light of the way in which it is created, while the third part deals with its essential importance in practical confirmation and execution through China's foreign and political activities

The role of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in the geopolitical and geoeconomic positioning of the PR CHINA

Обезбеђивање националне безбедности и економског развоја су два основна циља стратешког деловања држава, у чему НР Кина не представља изузетак. Са друге стране, како је НР Кина остваривала резултате „политике реформе и отварања“ она се све дубље интегрисала у глобалне безбедносне и економске токове, што је истовремено, подизало и ниво њене рањивости на промене у истој равни. То је руководству Комунистичке партије Кине наметало неоходност промене стратешког поимања позиције НР Кине у међународном поретку. Стога, од пасивног посматрача Пекинг постаје један од најактивнијих доносиоца промена и нових стандарда у регионалним и глобалним оквирима како би они погодовали реализацији кинеских националних циљева. Један од инструмената овим параметрима дефинисаног понашања НР Кине представља и Шангајска организација за сарадњу (ШОС). У овом раду ми ћемо истраживати ШОС улогу у геополитичком и геоекономском позиционирању НР Кине у региону Централне Азије. Због географског протезања ШОС-а, у нашу анализу, посредно, укључујемо и геополитичку и геоекономску улогу ШОС-а и у Пацифичком региону и Јужној Азији. Приказаћемо да ли и у ком степену ова Организација помаже НР Кини у стварању, према њеном разумевању, одговарајућег и подстицајног окружења, не само за њен, већ и за глобални развој. Рад ће бити подељен у седам поглавља. У уводном поглављу, представићемо предемет и циљ истраживања, методолошки и теоријски оквир, сажети приказ поглавља, као и научни и друштвени допринос спроведеног истраживања. У другом поглављу, под називом Кинеско схватање спољне и безбедносне политике истражићемо развој геополитичких и геоекономских елемената у спољној политици НР Кине. Потом, приказаћемо разлоге за кинеско актвино ангажовање у мултилатералном повезивању земаља, као један од најзначајних заокрета у спољној политици НР Кине. Ово ће нам помоћи да уочимо и анализирамо на који начин НР Кина демонстрира свој активизам са аспекта структуралне и односне моћи, као и како друге државе доживљавају нову позицију моћи НР Кине у међународним односима. У трећем поглављу под називом Централна Азија од Велике игре до ШОС-а, најпре, вршимо историјски осврт на улогу Централне Азије у стратешком надметању Британске империје и Руског царства у деветнаестом веку. Након тога, анализирамо позицију централноазијског простора у сложеној бирократији Совјетског Савеза. Завршетак Хладног рата, који је уједно значио и крај биполарне структуре међународног поретка, уводи нове непознанице у глобалну безбедносну архитектуру. Наше истраживање постављамо и поткрепљујемо аргументима да је овај део света поново полигон надметања великих сила, чиме се активира Нова велике игра. Из угла нашег истраживања, анализирамо како то утиче на кинеску националну безбедност. У четвртом поглављу рада, који носи назив Улога ШОС-а у спољној политици НР Кине, проблематизујемо како су се на институционални и историјски развој Организације пресликавали начела и спољнополитички циљеви НР Кине. Неизоставно, то указује начин на који се развијао мултилатерализам ШОС, као и на принципе по којима Организација развија међународну сарадњу у контексту регионализације и глобализације. У петом поглављу: Улога ШОС-а у обезбеђивању унутрашње и спољне безбедности НР Кине, приказујемо како и до ког степена борба против „три зла“ ШОС утиче на обезбеђивање националне безбедности НР Кине. Потом, улогу ШОС у обезбеђивању националне безбедности, анализирамо и са аспекта решавања територијалних спорова НР Кине и њених суседа. У оквиру ШОС-а, НР Кина са другим чланицама спроводи билатералне и мултилатералне војне и антитерористичке вежбе, стога, намеће нам се да истражимо како ШОС утиче на војну модернизацију НР Кине. У шестом поглављу, Геоекономски значај ШОС-а за НР Кину, истражићемо како ШОС геоекономски потпомаже реализацију Иницијативе појас и пут. Будући да је НР Кина енергетски зависна земља, а да се у „ШОС региону“ налазе земље са највећим доказаним резервама нафте и гаса, приказаћемо како ШОС, првенствено са аспекта стратешке и географске диверсификације извора и рута допремања нафте и гаса утиче на обезбеђивање кинеске енергетске безбедности. У седмом, то јест закључном поглављу приказаћемо закључке до којих смо дошли спроводећи ово истраживање и потврђивањем већине хипотеза постављених у уводном делу.The two rudimentary objectives of states’ strategic actions are provision of the national security and economic development, China being no exception. Then again, along with the accomplishing results of “reform and opening-up policy”, China was being more integrated in the global security and economic trends which instantaneously increased the level of vulnerability to changes. Hence, Chinese Communist Party leadership was urged to change understanding of China’s strategic position within the international system. From the passive observer, Beijing turns into the one of the most active game changers and new standards and agendas setters both in the regional and global world all aiming to the realization of Chinese national interests. Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) is the instrument and core example of this Chinese conduct. This paper will examine the SCO role in the geopolitical and geoeconomic positioning of the PR China in the region of Central Asia. Due to the geographical SCO positioning, we will include also geopolitical and geoeconomic role of the SCO in the Pacific Region and South Asia. We will show whether this Organization helps China in establishment, as it understands, a suitable and prompting environment for both its own and global development. The paper shall be divided in seven chapters. The introductory part shall present subject and objective of this research, methodology and theoretical framework, brief presentation of each chapter as well as the scientific and social contribution to this research. In the second chapter, Chinese Understanding of Foreign and Security Politics, we shall research the geopolitical and geoeconomic elements in the Chinese foreign policy. We will present the reasons for the Chinese active engagement in the multilateral relations as the key turnover in the foreign policy of China. This will help to analyse in which way China demonstrates its activism from the aspect of structural and relational power, and how other countries understand the new power position of China in the international relations. The third chapter: Central Asia - from Great Game to the SCO, will present historical review of Central Asia with strategic competition of Great Britain and Russian Empire in the 19th century. Following which we will analyse the position of Central Asian region in the complex bureaucracy of Soviet Union. The end of the Cold War meant also the end of the bipolar international structure and introduction of the new unknown issues in the international security architecture. Our research will present and substantiate arguments that this part of the world once again represents the area for the great power competition, or the New Great Game. From this research angle we shall examine how this affects the Chinese national security. The fourth chapter: The Role of SCO in the Chinese Foreign Policy, examines how the foreign policy objectives of PR China affected the institutional and historic development of the SCO. This also indicates the way in which multilateralism of the SCO developed as well as on its principles of international cooperation in the context of regionalization and globalization. The fifth chapter: The Role of the SCO in the Provision Internal and Foreign Security of China, we shall present how the combating “three evils” affects the provision of national security. Then we shall analyse the SCO role from the aspect of resolving territorial disputes between China and its neighbours. China conducts also numerous bilateral and multilateral military and anti-terrorist exercises within the SCO, hence we wanted to examine how the SCO impacts military modernization of China. The sixth chapter, Geoeconomic Importance of SCO for China will show how this Organization assists the realization of the Belt and Road Initiative. Since China is energy-dependent country and that “SCO region” counts as one of the energy richest region, we will show how the SCO impacts Chinese energy security from the aspects of strategic and geographic diversification of the sources and routes for oil and gas supplies. In the final, conclusion chapter we will state all conclusions that we reached in this research and confirmed the majority of thesis that we presented in the Introduction

Geopolitical and Geoeconomic Position of Hungary within the "16+1

Te main purpose of the paper is to objectively analyze geopolitical and geoeconomic position of Hungary within the China + 16 Central and Eastern European countries (“16+1”) framework of cooperation. We will do this by using the content method analyses, interviews with relevant experts in the field and approaches which stem from geopolitical and geoeconomic thoughts. Primary data sources will be the official documents released and/or bilaterally signed by China, Hungary, European Union (EU) and the guidelines of the “16+1”. Te second source will be academic and other publications that are related to the proposed subject. Te paper shall consist of three parts. Te first part will tackle Chinese reasons for pursuing multilateralism and regionalism in foreign policy, as a new understanding of security architecture, geopolitical balance of power, and geoeconomic distribution of wealth. Inevitably, we must analyze the Hungarian perception of institutional and international order which China builds independently from the American one. Te second part will tackle the process of ‘ frameworking’ of the “16+1”. Analyzing the Hungarian position within the “16+1”, we will understand what kind of tools China uses to achieve its goals among Central and Eastern European Countries. Simultaneously, this can be helpful to see if and how China is imposing the “wall” in the Old continent. Te third part will be dedicated to the Hungarian possibilities to use the trade and investment opportunities that China offers. Hungary, as an EU member state, must respect EU regulations which stipulate a different kind of business culture than pursued by China. In this part we will combine Chinese, Hungarian, V4’s and the point of view of the EU

Between Geopolitics and Geoeconomy - The Silk Road Discourse in Diplomacy of Japan

The main purpose of the paper is to critically analyze the manifestation of the Silk Road discourse in Japanese foreign policy behavior on both diplomatic and practical levels. That will be done through usage of the content method analyses and approaches which stem from critical geopolitics and geoeconomic thoughts. Proposed methodological framework and theoretical approach have been chosen with an aim to attest the general hypothesis of the paper, which is: Japan uses the Silk Road discourse as a tool to improve its geopolitical and geoeconomic position and interconnectivity in the Central Asian region. The first part of the paper will tackle the meaning of discourse as a social construction and its interlacement with strategic moves of foreign policy. This part of the paper will be helpful to understand the reasons why the Silk Road as a social construction and diplomatic discourse possesses enormousimportance to Japanese geopolitical and geoeconomic strategiestowardsthe Central Asian region. The second part of the paper will analyze the development of diplomatic relations between Japan and the Central Asian states since the collapse of the Soviet Union, with a focus on multilateral diplomatic initiatives that Japan has triggered and still pursues in the Central Asian space. The third part of the paper will be dedicated to the analyses of infrastructural projects that Japan has implemented in Central Asia. In the Japanese case, those projects express the conditionality between geopolitics and geoeconom

Sino-Italian political and economic cooperation - Perspectives and challenges

Realizovanjem ciljeva "politike reforme i otvaranja", NR Kina postavlja solidnu osnovu i daje realni podsticaj svom planiranom izrastanju u globalnu supersilu. Kao jedan od osnovnih i strateških ciljeva, prepoznaje se neophodnost da NR Kina stvori globalnu mrežu partnera. Ova mreža partnera njoj je značajna iz više razloga, a među kojima možemo izdvojiti kinesku ambiciju da od strane međunarodne zajednice ne bude percepirana kao zemlja izazivač, već da bude doživljena kao zemlja čiji razvoj predstavlja direktan doprinos obezbeđivanju globalne bezbednosti i razvoja. Za potrebe našeg rada istražujemo saradnju koju NR Kina razvija sa Italijom kako na bilateralnom, tako i na multilateralnom nivou, prevashodno u okvirima Evropske unije. Analiziranjem toga kako Italija doživljava kinesku "Inicijativu pojas i put", istovremeno istražujemo opseg i način na koji saradnja ovih dveju zemalja utiče na razvoj kineskog pomorskog geopolitičkog kursa i kineskog geopolitičkog i geoekonomskog pozicioniranja ne samo na Mediteranu već i globalno.The purpose of this article is to examine Sino-Italian political and economic cooperation. The first part of the paper reviews the still ongoing process of China`s ambitions to present itself as a ‘non-Other’ to the international society by carrying out economic development and political opening and offering the Belt and Road Initiative to international partners. However, Beijing still faces (un)justified accusation that it affects the implementation of the already established norms, principles and procedures of the international law, sustainable development, geopolitical order, and geoeconomic distribution of wealth. For the purpose of this research, our focus will be on Italian understanding of the maritime perspective of the Belt and Road Initiative. The second part examines tools that the two countries use for overcoming obstacles to political and economic cooperation, whilst striving not just to widen and strengthen mutual trust, sincerity, and pragmatism, but to protect national interests as well