<a comparative study of the evolution of enzymes and nucleic acids< semi-annual status report, nov. 1, 1964 - apr. 30, 1965

Lactic dehydrogenases and protein immunochemicals in vertebrate evolution - irradiation of nucleic acid

A comparative study of the evolution of enzymes and nucleic acids Semiannual progress report, 1 May - 30 Nov. 1967

Immunological and enzymological approaches to evolution of enzymes and nucleic acid

Were Bush Tax Cut Supporters “Simply Ignorant?” A Second Look at Conservatives and Liberals in “Homer Gets a Tax Cut”

In a recent edition of Perspectives on Politics, Larry Bartels examines the high levels of support for tax cuts signed into law by President Bush in 2001. In so doing, he characterizes the opinions of “ordinary people” as being based on “simple-minded and sometimes misguided considerations of self interest” and concludes that “the strong plurality support for Bush’s tax cut...is entirely attributable to simple ignorance.” Our analysis of the same data reveals different results. We show that for a large and politically relevant class of respondents – people who describe themselves as “conservative” or “Republican” – increasing information levels increase support for the tax cuts to the extent that they have any affect at all. Indeed, using Bartels’ measure of political information, we show that the Republican respondents rated most informed supported the tax cuts at extraordinarily high levels (over 96%). For these citizens, Bartels’ claim that “better-informed respondents were much more likely to express negative views about the 2001 tax cut” is simply untrue. We then show that Bartels’ results depend on a very strong assumption about how information affects public opinion. He restricts all respondents -- whether liberal or conservative, Republican or Democrat – to respond to increasing information levels in identical ways. In other words, he assumes that if more information about the tax cut makes liberals less likely to support it, then conservatives must follow suit. This assumption is very presumptive about the policy and value trade- offs that different people should make. Our analysis, by contrast, allows people of different partisan or ideological identities to react to higher information levels in varying ways. This flexibility has many benefits, one of which is a direct test of Bartels’ restrictive assumption. We demonstrate that the assumption is untrue. Examined several ways, our findings suggest that much of the support for the tax cut was attributable to something other than “simple ignorance.” Bartels’ approach is based on a very strong presumption about how citizens should think and what they should think about. We advocate a different approach, one that takes questions of public policy seriously while respecting ideological and partisan differences in opinion and interest. Indeed, citizens have reasons for the opinions and interests they have. We may or may not agree with them. However, we, as social scientists, can contribute more by offering reliable explanations of these reasons than we can by judging them prematurely. By turning our attention to explaining differences of opinion, we can help to forge a stronger and more credible foundation for progress in meeting critical social needs.public opinion, tax policy, incomplete information, welfare economics

Were Bush Tax Cut Supporters "Simply Ignorant?" A Second Look at Conservatives and Liberals in "Homer Gets a Tax Cut"

In a recent edition of Perspectives on Politics, Larry Bartels examines the high levels of support for tax cuts signed into law by President Bush in 2001. In so doing, he characterizes the opinions of “ordinary people” as lacking “a moral basis” and as being based on “simple-minded and sometimes misguided considerations of self interest.” He concludes that “the strong plurality support for Bush’s tax cut...is entirely attributable to simple ignorance.” Our analysis of the same data reveals different results. We show that for a large and politically relevant class of respondents – people who describe themselves as “conservative” or “Republican” – rising information levels increase support for the tax cuts. Indeed, using Bartels’ measure of political information, we show that the Republican respondents rated “most informed” supported the tax cuts at extraordinarily high levels (over 96%). For these citizens, Bartels’ claim that “better-informed respondents were much more likely to express negative views about the 2001 tax cut” is simply untrue. We then show that Bartels’ results depend on a very strong assumption about how information affects public opinion. He restricts all respondents -- whether liberal or conservative, Republican or Democrat – to respond to increasing information levels in identical ways. In other words, he assumes that if more information about the tax cut makes liberals less likely to support it, then conservatives must follow suit. This assumption is very presumptive about the policy trade-offs that different people should make. Our analysis, by contrast, allows people of different partisan or ideological identities to react to higher information levels in varying ways. This flexibility has many benefits, one of which is a direct test of Bartels’ restrictive assumption. We demonstrate that the assumption is untrue. Examined several ways, our findings suggest that much of the support for the tax cut was attributable to something other than “simple ignorance.” Bartels’ approach is based on a very strong presumption about how citizens should think and what they should think about. We advocate a different approach, one that takes questions of public policy seriously while respecting ideological and partisan differences in opinion and interest. Indeed, citizens have reasons for the opinions and interests they have. We may or may not agree with them. However, we, as social scientists, can contribute more by offering reliable explanations of these reasons than we can by judging them prematurely. By turning our attention to explaining differences of opinion, we can help to forge a stronger and more credible foundation for progress in meeting critical social needs.tax cut; President Bush; Republicans; conservatives; information; competence; public policy

Mean Field Theory of the Morphology Transition in Stochastic Diffusion Limited Growth

We propose a mean-field model for describing the averaged properties of a class of stochastic diffusion-limited growth systems. We then show that this model exhibits a morphology transition from a dense-branching structure with a convex envelope to a dendritic one with an overall concave morphology. We have also constructed an order parameter which describes the transition quantitatively. The transition is shown to be continuous, which can be verified by noting the non-existence of any hysteresis.Comment: 16 pages, 5 figure

Zero dimensional area law in a gapless fermion system

The entanglement entropy of a gapless fermion subsystem coupled to a gapless bulk by a "weak link" is considered. It is demonstrated numerically that each independent weak link contributes an entropy proportional to lnL, where L is linear dimension of the subsystem.Comment: 6 pages, 11 figures; added 3d computatio

Acoustic characterization of Hofstadter butterfly with resonant scatterers

We are interested in the experimental characterization of the Hofstadter butterfly by means of acoustical waves. The transmission of an acoustic pulse through an array of 60 variable and resonant scatterers periodically distribued along a waveguide is studied. An arbitrary scattering arrangement is realized by using the variable length of each resonator cavity. For a periodic modulation, the structures of forbidden bands of the transmission reproduce the Hofstadter butterfly. We compare experimental, analytical, and computational realizations of the Hofstadter butterfly and we show the influence of the resonances of the scatterers on the structure of the butterfly

Filamin cross-linked semiflexible networks: Fragility under strain

The semiflexible F-actin network of the cytoskeleton is cross-linked by a variety of proteins including filamin, which contain Ig-domains that unfold under applied tension. We examine a simple semiflexible network model cross-linked by such unfolding linkers that captures the main mechanical features of F-actin networks cross-linked by filamin proteins and show that under sufficiently high strain the network spontaneously self-organizes so that an appreciable fraction of the filamin cross-linkers are at the threshold of domain unfolding. We propose an explanation of this organization based on a mean-field model and suggest a qualitative experimental signature of this type of network reorganization under applied strain that may be observable in intracellular microrheology experiments of Crocker et al.Comment: 4 Pages, 3 figures, Revtex4, submitted to PR